Journal of Social Development in Africa (1990), 5,1,39-57 
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 
KOLA OLUGBADE+ 
ABSTRACT 
This paper is an attempt to contribute to the debate on the role of students in political 
development and nation-building. Specifically, it is an analysis of the evolutionary and 
dynamic trends in the Nigerian student movement vis-a-vis the Nigerian state. It deals with 
the role that youth, and students in particular, could play in nation-building and political 
integration in a multiethnic, culturally heterogeneous, socially diversified and politically 
fragmented Nigerian state. The paper focuses on the role students should play in political 
mobilisation, especially during the current Nigerian transition programme and beyond. 
Introduction 
In his contribution to one of the issues of Daedalus, Lipset (1968) observed that in the past 
scholars have paid relatively little attention to the rather major role students played in reform 
and radical movements, in part because student movements are transitory in character and 
have leftfewer records than adult organisation (Lipset,1968). This apparent neglectof student 
activities by scholars has occurred in spite of the fact that the contemporary world has been 
basically affected by student movements. This relative lack of interest in the role of students 
in society can be attributed to many factors including those mentioned by Lipset. But it 
appears one can, as Amoa (1979) puts it, attribute this lack of interest largely to the negative 
way student activities have been viewed all over the world. 
This negative perception of student activities has led to an inadequate analysis of what 
they, as part of the intellectual group in the Third World, can positively contribute to the 
development process in their countries. This attitude toward student activism has influenced 
Nigerian society, and the ruling class in particular, in their relationship with students. Society 
has generally seen students as pampered, irrational and immature citizens, whose youthful 
exuberance should be checked constantly. Independent research work and the literature 
(Amoa,1979; Olugbade.1981; Jacks,1975; Bachtiar,1968) on student politics have proved in 
this view wrong. 
This paper is therefore an attempt to contribute to the debate on the role of students in 
political developmentandnation-buUding. Specifically.thepaper will analyse theevolutionary 
and dynamic trends in Nigerian students vis-a-vis the Nigerian state. It deals with the role 
+ Graduate student. Department of Politic*! Science, University of Pittsburgh, USA
40 KolaOlugbade 
youths, and students in particular, could play in nation-building and political integration in a 
multi-ethnic, culturally heterogeneous, socially diversified and politicallyfragmentedNigerian 
state. The paper focuses on the role students should play in political mobilisation during 
transition towards 1992 as well as their role during the Third Nigerian Republic. The 
components of thepaper include theevolution of the Nigerian student movement, contemporary 
and comparative views of students' political role in society, as well as their roles toward 1992 
and beyond. 
Evolution of the Nigerian Student Movement 
The beginning of higher education in Nigeria has been traced through different historical 
periods. One school of thought traces it to the abolition of slavery and 'the settlement of the 
freed slaves in Sierra-Leone in 1787 (Fafunwa,1974). This is linked with the establishment 
of the Fourah Bay in 1827. Akintoye (1973) traces the history of university education* in 
Nigeria to the nineteenth century when the first Nigerians found their way to Fourah Bay 
College Another school of thought (Horton,1886; West African University, 1872) argues that 
higher education in Nigeria started with the nationalist movements. What is certain is that 
university.as we know it today, has its ancestry in the Middle Ages in Europe with the revival 
of learning in the twelfth century (Okafor,1971; Haskins 1963) 
By 1945, Nigerians were no longer satisfied by the small educated elite produced yearly 
T L Z I 1 0 " ? ° £ and.S°VCTnment colleSe*- The diploma-awarding Yaba College of 
Technology also became inadequate for the need of Nigerians for higher education Pressure 
ge, Ibadan, was finally established in 1948 (Fafunwa.1974; Okafor J971). 
1 T6 8 ^ ^ °f •* nationalist s t r u^l e <like t«o^ of Ibadan and 
l 1 , T nZT 
Pr0CCSSe T? SU S °!f f "^* 
anti mtil -colon i ^ movement i s have therefore left a 
e establishment of the Universitv Pr»iio<»<» TU A 
institutionalisedinthecountry A s a S f L ^ § ' ^ ^ ****** 
m a c t l v e a n d non-partisan national 
The organisation remained the voice rfNiirSff ? autonomous unions. 
banned by General Olusegun Ob^o's ^ £ ^ 5 f T "** if* ^ ^ " "3 
t bl d rr^ 
^,rfLrri^^ p-« 
e iMMiyo s regime. The ban was the result of a long and
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 41 
protracted consultation, negotiation and confrontation that culminated in violent crisis over 
a proposed increase in fees, feeding and boarding (Daily Times, April 21 and 29, 1978; 
Olugbade, forthcoming). As soon as the NUNS was banned, the students regrouped under a 
new name, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS). From the students 
perspective, NANS was an offshoot and a continuation of NUNS. For them, it was only a 
change of name to circumvent the legal aspect of the ban on NUNS. But throughout its life 
span, the Obasanjo regime did not recognise NANS. Lifting of the ban on NUNS became a 
major campaign issue among the five political parties during the 1979 elections - all promising 
to lift the ban. It was no surprise therefore that as soon as he assumed office in October 1979, 
President Shehu Shagari lifted the ban on NUNS and pardoned all its officers dismissed, or 
rusticated, by the Obasanjo regime during the 1978 crisis. Despite this gesture by the Shagari 
administration, the student body did not change its name back to NUNS until the new 
organisation, NANS, was itself banned by the Babangida regime in 1986. It should be noted 
that, despite the ban on the central body of Nigerian students between 1979 and 1989, the body 
has remained active in the nation' s affairs. The only thing it has not been able to do is negotiate 
on behalf of its members with the government The government has refused to have anything 
to do with it officially. This was why the body was not represented in the government's 
political bureau, and other activities in the disengagement programmes of the government 
One experience from the universities, since their inception, is the convergence of 
youthfulness and idealism. Such idealism pften derives power from effective organisation 
and targeting. Student activism, as Anise (1979) once put it, finds a natural habitat in the halls 
of academia. The experience of the universities has shown that when the climate is ripe, and 
the susceptibility to radicalisation is married to a heightened sense of social injustice, 
educational institutions can indeed become factories for the production of idealistic social 
reformers and even highly committed revolutionaries. 
Anise (1979) identifies some characteristics of Nigerian university life which seem to 
have contributed to the establishment of strong, activist unionism on all campuses. There is 
the fact of locational exclusivity and detachment Almost all Nigerian universities have been 
located, and new ones tend to be located, in secure, exclusive areas removed physically from 
any major population centres. Many are located at least three miles from the towns nearest 
to them. This atmosphere sets the residents apart, thus making obvious the elite status enjoyed 
by the students and staff alike. This elitism is further heightened by the pyramidal structure 
of education in the country. Only a small percentage of pupils in primary school can get to 
secondary, and only a very tiny fraction of high school graduates can ever make it to 
university. Those who make it there are indeed the cream of educational institutions as well 
as of society at large. Society tends to look at university students as societal leaders in the 
making. Hence the consciousness of a special ordination cannot but crop up from time to time 
among the academic elite so nurtured. 
Secondly, and traditionally, most of the early university students were mature adults, 
many already in their 20s and early 30s by the time they got to university. Several had 
establishedfamiliesandhomesandhadhadlongandvariedworkexperience. Generally then, 
they tended to strong nationalist opinions. Their disposition already made them candidates 
for student activism and unionism.
42 KolaOlugbade 
Thirdly, because the university system began during the period of the nationalist anticolonial 
struggle, most university students were anticolonial nationalists. From here, they 
developed the tradition of not only activism but of a radical, progressive political culture 
which has been sustained over the years. 
The fourth issue raised by Anise is that successive governments in Nigeria have given 
official and legal recognition to student unionism, to their various campuses and their national 
executives. Nigerian student unions have always received financial subsidies from the 
governments to supplement the revenues they receive from student levies and dues. In short, 
student unionism is encouraged by government itself. 
Governments in general have tended to use students and their unions as progressive 
support enclaves in pursuit of both legitimacy and popular appeal. During the days of party 
politics, most political parties and their leaders strove to establish student wings to capture the 
progressive sentiments which were usually quite vocal in various matters. But when 
government and students interests do not converge, and they often diverge, this 'solidarity' 
usually breaks down. The consequence is usually disagreements, which often lead to crises 
of various dimensions. When such crises occur the powers-that-be always resort to panicky 
measures like scapegoating or banning student organisations. Such measures by the 
authorities, in most cases, do not solve the problems. Rather, they escalate the crises, although 
the measures have been taken in an attempt to prevent the students from performing their 
historical roles, as in other countries of the world. 
Contemporary views of the student political role in society 
Two major schools of thought have emerged about the political role of students in society. 
These are the schools of what I would call positivism and negativism. While the positivists 
see students as part of the major forces in societal development, and advocate that they be 
assigned specific roles in nation-building, the negativists strongly contend that students are 
immature, irrational and of undefined emotions whose youthful exuberance should be put in 
'proper' check (Survey,1988). 
One of the greatest exponents of the negativitist school is Feuer. His ideas are well 
articulated in his popular work on the conflict of generations. Feuer (1969) stresses that 
student movements are born of vague, undefined emotions which seek issues and causes to 
which to attach themselves. He also argues that students revolt because of an intense 
heightening of emotions of guilt and self aggression, as well as aggression towards the elders. 
Feuer attributes this to the university culture, which reinforces and provides an ideology for 
the rejection of their father's ideology, that each demonstration a student engages in is 
something of a puberty rite de passage. He also asserts that students demonstrate because the 
university setting is the last community of comradeship before they are enveloped by the 
competitive, unfeeling adult world (Feuer, 1968). Putting all the causes of student revolt in 
psychological terms, Feuer asserts that student movements in society indicate generational 
disequilibrium, as, he argues, a normal couutry is one in which there is a generational 
equilibrium.
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 43 
Feuer's arguments represent the position of the ruling class. It is necessary therefore to 
raise objections to his generational conflict theory. First, if university students should revolt 
against lack of employment, for example, it would be unrealistic to explain their action in 
generational conflict terms. The frustration of students, which might lead to radicalism and 
rebelliousness, might be, among other things, the result of the inability to satisfy occupational 
interests rather than an expression of hostility towards the older generation (Olugbade, 
forthcoming). This is the case in Nigeria. In fact, retired General Emmanuel Abisoye, a 
member of the ruling class, had the courage to tell President Babangida this home truth when 
he was submitting his panel's report in 19861. According to the General, part of the cause of 
the student crisis emanated from the fright, confusion, grievances and deep fear and 
uncertainty which engulfed the campuses because of the lack of job opportunities after 
graduation. 
The second objection to Feuer's generational conflict theory is that he stresses the 
psychological aspect to an incredible degree. It is naive to suggest that students do not clearly 
see the difference between authoritarian and democratic systems. Nothing should prevent 
Nigerian students from confronting their universities, and the system as a whole, when need 
be. Students in other countries confront their universities and the entire system on issues vital 
to them. 
The third point which makes the theory unacceptable is the fact that Feuer thinks that 
student movements have no demands, or that whatever demands they have are irrational. This 
is not true. He himself writes somewhere else that "student movements sacrifice their own 
economic interest for the sake of a vision of a nobler life for the lowliest" (in Amoa, 1979). 
He also holds the view that a normal society is one without a revolutionary student movement. 
Since there is no society which has not experienced student action in one way or the other, 
Feuer would want every one to believe that there is no 'normal society' in this world. This 
is a false assumption. For him to equate anormal society with generational equilibrium is very 
tenuous indeed. He yearns for stability and order in a society without conflict and, above all, 
for the maintenance of the status quo. He seems to overlook the fact that conflict is endemic 
in society. He also fails to believe that student movements in all societies have made a positive 
contribution in their countries. 
Another group in the negativist school of thought includes those who put forward the 
minority theory. They single out student activism as the work of the 'active few' or 'a small 
minority' of the student population. Among the leading figures who hold this views are 
Soares, Pinner, HurwiztandLipset. Soares (1967), for example, has shown in his work that 
radicals are only a small minority of the student population in most developing countries, and 
that these radicals are greatly over-represented among those who believe students should play 
an active role in politics and who act on that belief in demonstrations and strikes. Lipset and 
Altbach (1967) in their own work came to the conclusion that radical attitudes in American 
universities are not representative of the student body as a whole, and reflect only the position 
of an active minority. 
The attitude of Lipset, and those in his group, towards student activism poses a danger. To 
view all student activities as the work of an active minority suggests, in a way, that other
46 KolaOlugbade 
fall of Numeri of Sudan. The Khee Government of Korea was also toppled in 1960partlyas 
a result of student demonstrations (Amoa,1979). 
Such is the power of students. From the examples of student activities discussed above, 
we can conclude that student activism is political in content. Also, it can be seen from these 
discussions, that there are certain ills in our society over which students legitimately express 
resentment. Nigerian students, like their counterparts all over the world, have an historical 
role to play since they are the midwives of a greater tomorrow. In their traditional role as a 
bastion against all forms of retrogression and reaction, Nigerian students should always rise 
to the challenge of the times, especially during this period in Nigeria when the country is 
planning the transition to the Third Republic. 
Toward 1992 and beyond 
In the preceding section an attempt has been made to show that students are apotential political 
force in contemporary society, and as such it may be necessary, especially in Nigeria, not to 
view them as a disruptive force. We have seen how students and student movements have 
contributed in a large measure to the sociopolitical developments of their various countries. 
Not only have they fought for their own interests, but also for the interests of their people. 
They fought colonial regimes and helped in overthrowing dictatorial national governments, 
and demanded the liberalisation of oppressive political systems. 
As rightly noted by Amoa (1979), we need not search for more evidence of the important 
role students play and have played in order to come to the conclusion that it does not help to 
look at students' social and political roles only in negative terms as Lipset, Altback, Soares, 
Feuer and others have done. There is a need in Nigeria for a more realistic look at what 
students are doing all over the world, so that the nation can learn some very useful lessons. 
The methods they adopt may not always be to the liking of many people, this should not 
prevent those in authority from listening to them. It is the message they carry and the aims 
of their agitations that we have to assess. This is very crucial to Nigeria, like other developing 
countries, in assessing the role students can play in the development process. 
This is particularly necessary because of the role intellectuals are supposed to play in New 
States. It has been emphasised, for example by Shils (1959) and Kautsky (1981), that the 
development of the New States lies on the shoulders of the intellectuals who are a major 
category of the elite in developing countries. We need to add that this role would better be 
performed by the radical intellectuals (among whom are the students) because of their 
commitment to the changes which they seek. To effectively perform this historic role, 
Nigerian students have to operate in a conducive atmosphere. They also have to receive the 
necessary functional education. 
The educational system in Nigeria has to break away from the shackles of its colonial 
legacy. Colonial education was not designed to prepare young people for service to their own 
country. Instead, it was motivated by a desire to inculcate the values of the colonial society 
and to train individuals for the service of the colonial society and its state. As put by WUmont 
(1980), Nigerian youth is doubly alienated, first as youth and then as Africans. But Nigeria 
cannot afford to regard its students in this negative way, as immature, volatile and potential
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 47 
anarchists. This becomes more relevant and important for the country in the period of 
transition planning. 
Nigeria cannot afford the luxury of Western societies in which alienated youths, finding 
no place for themselves in society, resort to drugs, promiscuity or terrorism; where youths, 
losing respect for their parents, also lose respect for the institutions of society. The Nigerian 
students must know their place in society, and the role they are expected to play, and must be 
educated to and allowed to play that role. If Nigerian students are to meaningfully contribute 
towards making 1992 a reality, and play positive roles thereafter, then (Nyerere, in 
Wilmont,1980:22): 
"Our educational system has to foster... the social goals of living together and working 
together for the common good. It has to prepare our young people to play a dynamic and 
constructive part in the development of a society in which all members share fairly in the 
good or bad fortune of the group, and in which progress is measured in termsof human 
well-being... Our education must therefore inculcate a sense of commitment to the total 
community, and help the pupils to accept the values appropriate to our kind of future, not 
those appropriate to our colonial past" 
This means that the educational system in Nigeria must emphasise cooperative endeavour, not 
individual advancement. It must stress concepts of equality and the responsibility to give 
services which goes with any special ability. I cannot agree less with the Wilmont's 
observation that the benefits of modern education and technology can only be realised where 
the basic, absolutely essential structures of society have been preserved. The curricula content 
must expose the students to their society and its social problems. Unless this is done, they may 
not be capable of finding possible solutions to some of the societal problems to which they 
are expected to address themselves in the current search for a new social order. 
As a social movement which should seek deliberate and radical changes in society, the 
Nigerian student movement needs a social and political climate which allows opposition and 
criticism and which is not repressive. Such a climate should not be hostile to it, but allow it 
the freedom to organise and to propagate its ideals among its followers, and ultimately to 
bargain in the political arena. Under such a free atmosphere students will be able to join other 
social groups in the formation of public opinion by providing ground for discussion of the 
social and political problems that plague the country in the search towards nationhood. In the 
process, there will be constructive criticism of the government's activities. 
However, when a political climate becomes hostile to students, as we have now in Nigeria, 
the government loses one of the most essential agents of positive mobilisation. One of five 
types of adaptive responses may result. Following Merton's (1957) typology, students in such 
a situation may choose to conform, be innovative, act in a ritual manner, retreat or rebel. An 
alternative formulation put forward by Finlay et al (1968) is that, in the face of imminent 
sanction, the students will choose one of the following: 
1. increased activism, either supportive or oppositional 
2. opportunism as a means of decreasing threats and/or increasing gains 
3. acquiescence to assure safety 
4. a retreat from all forms of involvement
46 KolaOlugbade 
fall of Numeri of Sudan. The Knee Government of Korea was also toppled in 1960 partly as 
a result of student demonstrations (Amoa,1979). 
Such is the power of students. From the examples of student activities discussed above, 
we can conclude that student activism is political in content. Also, it can be seen from these 
discussions, that there are certain ills in our society over which students legitimately express 
resentment. Nigerian students, like their counterparts all over the world, have an historical 
role to play since they are the midwives of a greater tomorrow. In their traditional role as a 
bastion against all forms of retrogression and reaction, Nigerian students should always rise 
to the challenge of the times, especially during this period in Nigeria when the country is 
planning the transition to the Third Republic. 
Toward 1992 and beyond 
In the preceding section an attempt has been made to show that students are a potential political 
force in contemporary society, and'as such it may be necessary, especially in Nigeria, not to 
view them as a disruptive force. We have seen how students and student movements have 
contributed in a large measure to the sociopolitical developments of their various countries. 
Not only have they fought for their own interests, but also for the interests of their people. 
They fought colonial regimes and helped in overthrowing dictatorial national governments, 
and demanded the liberalisation of oppressive political systems. 
As rightly noted by Amoa (1979), we need not search for more evidence of the important 
role students play and have played in order to come to the conclusion that it does not help to 
look at students' social and political roles only in negative terms as Lipset, Altback, Soares, 
Feuer and others have done. There is a need in Nigeria for a more realistic look at what 
students are doing all over the world, so that the nation can learn some very useful lessons. 
The methods they adopt may not always be to the liking of many people, this should not 
prevent those in authority from listening to them. It is the message they carry and the aims 
of their agitations that we have to assess. This is very crucial to Nigeria, like other developing 
countries, in assessing the role students can play in the development process. 
This is particularly necessary because of the role intellectuals are supposed to play in New 
States. It has been emphasised, for example by Shils (1959) and Kautsky (1981), that the 
development of the New States lies on the shoulders of the intellectuals who are a major 
category of the elite in developing countries. We need to add that this role would better be 
performed by the radical intellectuals (among whom are the students) because of their 
commitment to the changes which they seek. To effectively perform this historic role, 
Nigerian students have to operate in a conducive atmosphere. They also have to receive the 
necessary functional education. 
The educational system in Nigeria has to break away from the shackles of its colonial 
legacy. Colonial education was not designed to prepare young people for service to their own 
country. Instead, it was motivated by a desire to inculcate the values of the colonial society 
and to train individuals for the service of the colonial society and its state. As put by Wilmont 
(1980), Nigerian youth is doubly alienated, first as youth and then as Africans. But Nigeria 
cannot afford to regard its students in this negative way, as immature, volatile and potential
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 47 
anarchists. This becomes more relevant and important for the country in the period of 
transition planning. 
Nigeria cannot afford the luxury of Western societies in which alienated youths, finding 
no place for themselves in society, resort to drugs, promiscuity or terrorism; where youths, 
losing respect for their parents, also lose respect for the institutions of society. The Nigerian 
students must know their place in society, and the role they are expected to play, and must be 
educated to and allowed to play that role. If Nigerian students are to meaningfully contribute 
towards making 1992 a reality, and play positive roles thereafter, then (Nyerere, in 
Wilmont,1980:22): 
"Our educational system has to foster... the social goals of living together and working 
together for the common good. It has to prepare our young people to play a dynamic and 
constructive part in the development of a society in which all members share fairly in the 
good or bad fortune of the group, and in which progress is measured in termsof human 
well-being... Our education must therefore inculcate a sense of commitment to the total 
community, and help the pupils to accept the values appropriate to our kind of future, not 
those appropriate to our colonial past" 
This means that the educational system in Nigeria must emphasise cooperative endeavour, not 
individual advancement. It must stress concepts of equality and the responsibility to give 
services which goes with any special ability. I cannot agree less with the Wilmont's 
observation that the benefits of modern education and technology can only be realised where 
the basic, absolutely essential structures of society have been preserved. The curricula content 
must expose the students to their society and its social problems. Unless this is done, they may 
not be capable of finding possible solutions to some of the societal problems to which they 
are expected to address themselves in the current search for a new social order. 
As a social movement which should seek deliberate and radical changes in society, the 
Nigerian student movement needs a social and political climate which allows opposition and 
criticism and which is not repressive. Such a climate should not be hostile to it, but allow it 
the freedom to organise and to propagate its ideals among its followers, and ultimately to 
bargain in the political arena. Under such a free atmosphere students will be able to join other 
social groups in the formation of public opinion by providing ground for discussion of the 
social and political problems that plague the country in the search towards nationhood. In the 
process, there will be constructive criticism of the government's activities. 
However, when a political climate becomes hostile to students, as we have now in Nigeria, 
the government loses one of the most essential agents of positive mobilisation. One of five 
types of adaptive responses may result Following Merton's (1957) typology, students in such 
a situation may choose to conform, be innovative, act in a ritual manner, retreat or rebel. An 
alternative formulation put forward by Finlay et al (1968) is that, in the face of imminent 
sanction, the students will choose one of the following: 
1. increased activism, either supportive or oppositional 
2. opportunism as a means of decreasing threats and/or increasing gains 
3. acquiescence to assure safety 
4. a retreat from all forms of involvement
48 KolaOlugbade 
No matter which form is chosen one thing is clear, a hostile political climate to student 
activism is inimical to the nation's progress, development and stability. I advocate that 
Nigerian students should go for the first option: that is increased activism, which should be 
either supportive or oppositional depending on the issues at stake. 
The panic measures of placing bans on student unions and student activities, either locally 
or at national level, cannot solve the problem. Rather than banning the student body the 
govemmentshouldexplore the creation of avenues for continuingdialoguebetween university 
authorities and students. Banning student bodies simply drives them underground. It is 
sweeping the problem under the carpet, and they are bound to erupt sooner rather than later. 
There is need for a concerted voice of the nation's students during this period of transition 
planning. The energy of the youth must be galvanised into constructive channels and not 
allowed to be diverted into a destructive force (National Concord, July 29 1986). 
As Mazrui (1978) argues, the banning of students' co-curricula activities would affect the 
quality of their education. Education is not simply what goes on in the classroom, but also the 
experience of being socially engaged and intellectually committed. But behind it all is the 
further experience of team work and collaboration, even in situations where one team has to 
compete and even quarrel with another. 
It also needs to be pointed out that the development process requires active public opinion 
in order to make the government aware of existing problems. This does not imply that the 
government may not be aware of the existing problems at all, but that it is likely to overlook 
a lot of them or look at them from a different and narrow angle. This anomaly can be corrected 
through constructive criticism from an enlightened public. The citizens need to be constantly 
informed of what goes on in the society. Dissemination of information to the public through 
activities of such social movements can help create a higher degree of consciousness which 
people need for their development efforts. This will further aid the mobilisation effort of the 
government launched in 1987. This is particularly necessary in a country like Nigeria with 
a largely illiterate population. Students, as a special group close to the grassroots, could and 
should play important roles in national mobilisation, especially at the grassroots. The federal 
government's Political Bureau recognises this fact when it states in its report that students 
constitute a reservoir of energy and dynamism for any national struggle or campaign, if they 
are correctly guided, mobilised, and fully integrated into the social fabric. According to the 
report (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1987:158-60) "With appropriate training and guidance, 
[students] can provide the manpower needs of the country and ... they can make positive 
contributions to national development". 
It is obvious that students cannot be kept in the background during the transition planning. 
Apart from the reasons given earlier, Madunagu (1980) has offered additional reasons for this: 
(a) students are linked to the larger society by family, marriage, friendship, religion, ethics, 
culture and history generally; and they cannot pretend to be indifferent to the fate of this larger 
society. They have a stake in what goes on in the society. For example, when the rulers 
inflicted a civil war on the country, students suffered with the larger society. They are also 
not excluded from the present economic problems of the country, (b) Students are trained to
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 49 
take up positions in the social organisation of labour. The conditions of this imminent 
integration into the larger society cannot but reflect on the students' consciousness negatively 
or positively. Since there is no passive consciousness, Madunagu argues, students are often 
compelled to anticipate their imminent integration by political and ideological actions, (c) 
Students are maintained in their education by the larger society either collectively, individually, 
or both. They cannot, therefore, be expected to be indifferent to social developments and 
policies which, by increasing the economic and social burdens of the larger society, directly 
threaten to terminate or disturb their education, (d) By their training, students have access to 
information and ideas. They can, therefore, articulate, rightly or wrongly, the various state 
policies and measure rhetoric against reality. Students can also compare their society with 
olher societies with which they have come in contact though information and ideas. The result 
is critical consciousness. 
One can therefore conclude, following Madunagu's lead, that though students are 
formally divorced from material production, they cannot be divorced from ideological and 
political struggles. Because ideology and politics have a dialectical influence on material 
production, students can be said to have one leg in social reproduction and one leg outside it. 
This ambivalent location in social reproduction in general lies at the root of the limitations of 
the students' role, and it is at the same time the objective cause of the ambiguity of this role. 
Need for internal self re-examination 
Granted that the social and political climate for effective participation in transition planning 
are present (and they should be), the Nigerian student movement still needs some organisation 
restructuring within its rank and file as well as ideological self re-examination. The student 
movement in Nigeria can effectively perform its responsibilities during transition and beyond, 
if the leadership is purposeful and has a sense of direction. Following Smelser (1962), the 
leadership should be able to formulate beliefs as well as mobilise its members and the citizenry 
for positive action. The leaders should commune emotionally with their followers. They 
should not be selfish individuals who ride on the back of the people in order to achieve personal 
goals and ambitions. The goals of the leadership must not be at variance with those of the 
followers. Like national leadership, the leaders of the movement must be ready to suffer 
severe deprivation in the interest of the people. 
No matter how important or effective the leader may be, the qualities that endear him to 
his people may soon fade away if he operates in an ideological vacuum. Even if he manages 
to cope, as most charismatic leaders do, things could be very difficult for his successors. This 
is why the issue of ideology is linked with leadership. It is ideology that determines the 
economic model of the society. It is ideology that will give direction and purpose to the 
nation's journey towards the building of a stable and virile nation. It serves as a guide to policy 
choices and political behaviour and explains to all those who consult it and believe in it the 
meaning of their existence and purpose of their action. Without ideology, we are almost 
without an anchor and a port and our ship drifts aimlessly without a mission or a purpose. It
50 KolaOlugbade 
is the ideology that will fashion the motivations of the movement, its attitudes and the political 
regime under which it exists (Olugbade,1987). It is partly due to the existence of an ideology 
to which they hold tenaciously that both the United States and the Soviet Union are what they 
are today. The ideologies they have, and which they believe in, have been the guide for the 
development of both countries. 
The Nigerian student movement must be precise in its vision of the society it wants. It must 
be consistent with a particular ideology which in its view will emancipate the people from 
abject want and poverty; one which will lead the country to the Biblical promised land. The 
movement should not advocate or propagate an ideology just for publicity sake, without 
conviction. Whatever ideas they promote should have meaning to the ordinary Nigerian on 
the street - his culture, needs and aspirations. When they criticise government for inadequacies, 
they must have alternative suggestions. In this way, the movement could meaningfully 
contribute to societal development and not just promote the narrow interests of its members. 
In addition to the issues of leadership and ideology, the Nigerian student movement should 
effectively mobilise not only its members but the entire people of the federation for 
meaningful and positive participation in the political process. There should be group 
consciousness, which means a sense of belonging and solidarity among the members of the 
group. Although the solidarity occurs in various degrees, it is an essential feature of a social 
movement. The consciousness is generated through active participation which in itself is a 
direct consequence of effective mobilisation. Nigerian students should be actively involved 
in government's social mobilisation programme, known by its acronym MAMSER, which 
was launched during the second half of 1987 by President Babangida. 
The attractiveness and relevance of whatever ideology they pursue will to some extent 
determine thedegreeof group consciousness the movement will have. The group consciousness 
will in turn contribute to active participation, which is also a crucial element of a social 
movement. If the Nigerian student movement is to become an effective organisation, then the 
greater proportion of its members should be very active participants. The movement, as a 
goal-oriented one, should not wait to see what could be done by the government to meet its 
demands. It should seek to achieve its demands by direct action. Even if the goals it strives 
to achieve are not fully met, the Nigerian student movement, as a norm-oriented body, will 
take pride in the fact that it has contributed towards the solution of societal problems, even if 
only partially. 
The unfortunate thing is that the student movement, before its ban in 1986, had not 
adequately mobilised its members, let alone the whole society, for effective political 
participation and/or social mobilisation. The type of mobilisation I have in mind is that which 
strives toward the cultivation of political consciousness and awareness in the people. 
Participation, as I see it, implies more than greater access to government. It inputs 
considerable value to personal political activism. In effect, as Elekwa (1986) puts it, 
assessments of the validity or legitimacy of a government are indirectly related to the number 
of citizens involved. The measure of an individual's citizenship is shown by a willingness to 
become involved in public life, not marginally as a voter, but as a direct participant in policy 
determination. This process includes exercising judgment and in the allocation of resources.
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 51 
Contrary to what operates within the movement, one expects a high degree of mobilisation 
and participation in such a supposedly enlightened and intellectual organisation. Research 
conducted in one of the Nigerian universities in 1981 (Olugbade,1981), and another survey 
between 1984 and 1988 (Olugbade, forthcoming), showed that most student union members 
did not know what their union stood for. Some of them see their leaders as trouble makers 
seeking cheap and undue publicity. 
The essence of this is that the movement still needs to mobilise resources, at both the 
national and campus levels, toward meaningful participation in the political process. If it is 
to be part of the struggle toward the Third Republic, and it has to be, the movement has to get 
reorganised, educate its members and raise the general consciousness of the people. Effective 
action of amovement depends on its organisation. Even forademonstration or riot to succeed, 
it needs an allocation of tasks, a division of labour, allocation of resources, and effective 
management and monitoring. This type of coordination is absent within the Nigerian student 
movement, hence the ease with which it is demobilised during crises. 
Nothing better explains this point than the Indonesian experience. When the Indonesian 
students found that prices of gasoline and transportation fares had been increased, they 
demanded the reduction of these for the whole country. As a result of adequate mobilisation 
and effective coordination, their demonstrations and direct action yielded results. The 
government acted promptly and positively to the demand for lower public busfares, and the 
state oil company was compelled to lower the price of gasoline (Bachtiar,1968). This was 
similar to what happened in Nigeria in 1988. The government and the Nigerian National 
Petroleum Company (NNCP) increased the price of gasoline. This led to an unreasonable 
increase in die cost of transportation and undue hardship throughout the country. Like the 
Indonesian students, Nigerian students protested against the increase. But unlike their 
Indonesian counterparts, Nigerian students at that time had no well organised national body 
(banned in 1986) and members were neither adequately mobilised nationally nor organised 
at the various campuses. As a result of this, coupled with governmental insensiti vity (to the 
problems of thepeople) and authoritarianism, the protesting students were easily demobilised. 
Within a few days of the demonstrations, more than 45 institutions of higher learning 
(including all the major universities) were closed by the government (Newswatch, May 2 
1988). The same Indonesian students performed another feat in 1966. Their high political 
awareness, coupled with a sense of mission, led the Indonesian Student Movement (KAMI), 
drawing on the support of the army, to fight the dissolution of the communist party and 
replacement of the existing cabinet By their militant action, President Sukarno was removed 
from office (Bachtiar,1968). 
The views expressed by Amoa (1979) about publicity by the students in Ghana is equally 
true of Nigeria. The lack of coordination, the absence of active participation by the students 
in the activities of the movement, as well as an absence of support from the general public, 
are also due to the poor propaganda machinery and inefficient dissemination of information 
of their point of view. This is with the possible exception of the 1978 crisis when the 
propaganda machinery was adequate. The effective publicity and proper mobilisation during 
the 1978 crisis paid well in view of the massive support and participation, not only by students
52 KolaOlugbade 
but also the general public, including market women. Except for the isolated case cited above 
(and a few others), what goes on in one university hardly gets to other universities on time. 
One reason for this is the very poor communication system in the country, which is a serious 
barrier not only to student activities but to all social, economic and political activities. The 
telephone system is very unreliable and the postal system erratic. Apart from this poor 
communication system, the students have no national newspaper of their own in which to 
write about the country's problems (through which they could inform their members and the 
general public of the state of the nation), or to get themselves informed about what goes on 
in other universities. 
Evidence from many other countries shows that Nigerian students are lagging behind in 
this area. As Bachtiar reports, among the many newspapers sold in the streets of Indonesia, 
the student press, especially Harin Kami (Kami Daily or Our Daily) and Mahasiwa 
Indonesia (Indonesian Student), gained an important place. These publications are said to be 
widely read for the sharp critical thrust of their reporting and discussion of public affairs. The 
Brazilian students also have a printing press for their political actions. Student newspapers 
provide key channels of political communication among students at faculty, university and 
national levels. The Metropolitan Union of Students in Rio de Janeiro (UME) publishes a 
weekly, Metropolitans, which enjoys a wide circulation throughout the country. The 
National Union of Students (UNE) also publishes its own weekly journal, Movimento. Both 
student newspapers, it is reported, carry a heavy concentration of articles on national and 
political problems. In the United States, almost all university campuses have daily, or at worst, 
weekly newspapers that inform students about local, national and even international events. 
Some of them have two newspapers. The absence of sufficient information among Nigerian 
students in the different institutions, and the absence of publicity of their goals, seems to have 
weakened the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) and its offshoot the National 
Association of Nigerian Students (NANS). This absence of information flow and inadequate 
publicity have also affected, negatively, whatever impact the movement could have made on 
the general social and political system in the country. They relied solely on national 
newspapers, many of which are owned by federal and state governments and other individuals 
hostile to the movement's activities. This trend has to be reversed, especially at this point in 
time when all hands must be on deck to evolve a new Nigeria. For its members and the general 
public to be aware of its activities and its points of view, the body needs a different forum to 
publicise and propagate its activities. 
Conclusion 
From the analysis in this paper, it has become established that the Nigerian student movement 
is as relevant as any other group in die Nigerian society for its development. They have an 
historical responsibility to mobilise the people, raise their level of consciousness and educate 
them to participate in political, economic and social activities of the country. They cannot 
afford to sit on the sideline and watch things, as they have a greater stake in whatever happens 
than the present members of the ruling class, as, ultimately, the mantle of the nation's 
leadership will fall on them.
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 53 
On the basis of the above, coupled with the historical responsibility of students in the 
society, a conducive social and political climate should be allowed the students in the 
country's political arena. The federal government should as a matter of urgency lift the ban 
on NANS while the various institutions should resuscitate student unions on their campuses. 
It is not just enough to lift the ban on NANS or resuscitate the different campus unions, they 
must be allowed to organise freely, and coordinate their activities without undue interference 
from the authorities, either government or university. A situation where the government or 
the university controls what should or should not be in the constitution of the student union 
is an encroachment on the rights of the students to associate freely. It is a mockery of the socalled 
government's human rights sermon being preached daily. Above all, the current clamp 
down on student activities is, as argued earlier, inimical to participatory democracy, progress 
and stability. It is at variance with the objectives of the struggle towards the Third Republic. 
If the repressive and unwarranted ban remains, student crises, as witnessed in the University 
of Lagos and the Ondo State University (both in April 1987), will continue to erupt like 
volcanoes with devastating consequences. In fact, subsequent events in the country, since the 
ban on organised student activities, have proved this. In 1988 alone almost all higher 
institutions were closed at one point in time. For example, during the fuel crisis of that year, 
more than forty-five institutions were closed (Olugbade, 1989). Some were even closed twice 
or even more during the year (for example, Ahmadu Bello University, University of Benin, 
University of Nigeria, Nsukka). 1989 has not been better. Within the first month of this year 
alone, some institutions were closed because of student demonstrations. As Vieta (West 
Africa, January 16 1989) notes, major factors in student activism leading to such closures 
include the socioeconomic and political conditions in the country and on campus, as well as 
international developments. Public response and the behaviour of security agencies are 
catalytic factors. As he rightly observes, "students + police = riots". 
Despite the odds, Nigerian students should continue to work with other democratic bodies 
like the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), and the academic Staff Union of Universities 
(ASUU) in evolving a just and egalitarian society. They should not be contented with being 
leaders of tomorrow alone. They should strive to be active partners in the progress of today, 
identifying themselves with the problems and prospects of nation building. They should play 
the role history assigns to them, the clay of the Nigerian struggle. The leadership should join 
other groups in the society in the patriotic mission of the total liberation of the country from 
dependency and imperialist exploitation. An unfortunate aspect of this is that some of these 
bodies with which the students could work are already banned or disorganised. For example, 
the NLC was banned from 1987 till late 1988 when the ban was finally lifted. Thebanreally 
affected themorale of its members. Thebody is just trying togetreorganisedafteritslate 1988 
election. At the time of writing this paper (March 1989) both ASUU and NANS are still 
banned. As stated earlier.NANS has been banned since 1986 while ASUU was banned in July 
1988 during its strike on salary increases, among other demands. With the systematic banning 
of all organised groups, the government, despite its populist human rights face, is becoming 
more and more coercive, authoritarian and insensitive to public opinion. The unnecessary and 
unwarranted ban is making a mockery of the democracy to which the Babangida regime wants 
to return the country. While some people are suggesting the active involvement and
54 Kola Olugbade 
participation of these bodies in the disengagement programme, because of their likely positive 
contributions, the government is alienating them. For example, it has been suggested that 
members of these bodies (NANS, NLC and ASUU) could serve as electoral officers during 
the elections, as well as enumerators during the census scheduled for 19912. As part of the 
few vocal and militant groups in the society, they are likely to perform better than many of 
those previously used in these exercises, especially if the organisations are involved as groups 
and not just hand-picked individuals within its ranks. As consistent critics of governmental 
and societal ills, such an exercise will be a serious challenge to them to really prove their worth 
in organisation and management. It is hoped that the government will make good its promise 
to lift the ban on these bodies and involve them in the disengagement programme. 
If and when the ban is lifted, NANS should reassess its strategies and the events leading 
to the ban, with a view to correcting and learning from its mistakes. At the same time, it should 
not abdicate its role as the conscience of the parents, a majority of whom are marginalised and 
who cannot speak out against societal oppression and injustice. They should heed Fanon's 
warning, in his letter to the youth of Africa, when he rightly observed that "the future would 
have no pity for those men who, possessing the exceptional privilege of being able to speak 
words of truth to their oppressors, have taken refuge in an attitude of passivity, of mute 
indifference, and sometimes of cold complicity" (cited in Wilmont, 1980). Students in Nigeria 
should, following Samora Machel, try to transform science and knowledge from instruments 
of crime against the people into instruments of their liberation, to transform ideas from 
instruments of mystification into instruments of enlightenment (in Wilmont,1980). This is the 
task before students, and indeed all citizens of Nigeria, in the coming years. 
The society should not drive the students, and other progressive forces, into desperate 
solutions for its problems. If this happens, then, as Fanon puts it, the society shall be replaced 
not by peaceful change but by a violent overthrow (through a revolution and not the musical 
military coups) of the Nigerian social system. This is the last weapon of the people if the 
current attempt at democracy fails. This appears to be the only reasonable prescription in view 
of our past historical experience. Hence the need for all those interested in the progress and 
stability of the country to join hands and see to the success of the ongoing democratic reforms. 
I have gone thus far because Nigeria as a nation under the past and present ruling class do 
not realise that the hallmark of any viable society is the satisfaction of human needs and the 
mutual cooperation that this entails. Social development is meaningless unless it leads to 
improvements in the conditions of life of the people, unless it guarantees their security and 
the affairs of state. A social system which sets a man against his brother in the name of 'free 
competition', which destroys the relationship between parents and children, which reduces 
human beings to commodities, which generates fabulous wealth at one pole and desperate 
poverty at the other, which makes a virtue of theft and poverty a crime, obviously cannot, as 
Wilmont (1980) notes, foster social development That is the Nigerian society - a society 
drifting, without a purpose and sense of direction. 
If the country is to progress Nigerian students must join other patriotic bodies to stop the 
drift. They must continue to serve as a pressure group, appealing at all times to the nation's 
conscience, challenging excessive authority, protecting and defending the oppressed and 
urging the nation on to Utopian heights. In the course of the performance of this task, they will
Nigerian Students and Political Mobilisation 55 
do foolish things, act irresponsibly and behave irrationally. It is the duty of the administration 
to punish their folly, and check their irresponsible and irrational behaviour. But this can and 
must be done without destroying their initiative or suppressing their youthfulness 
(Olugbade,1980). 
In sharing the views of Shils, Kautsky and others, I am suggesting that given the right 
conducive atmosphere, students in Nigeria can play a major role in the social and political 
development of the country, as students did during the nationalist struggle and the Anglo- 
Nigerian defence pact of 19613. Students can evolve strong social movements that can seek 
change in the country. They could form and articulate public opinion, as a group influencing 
the decision makers in diverse ways. They could, following Eisentadt, be 'political 
entrepreneurs', persons who are able to mobilise political activities and social attitudes and 
integrate them in political organisations and processes according to the principles of 
functional democracy. Nigerian students must be guided to encourage them in all kinds of 
voluntary service and help in literacy programmes. In short, they can give leadership in 
various sectors of the society. 
FOOTNOTES: 
1. Major General Emmanuel Abisoye (Rtd) was the chairperson of the panel that probed the Ahmadu Bello 
University (ABU) crisis of April, 1986. For a newspaper report of his speech see, for example, Nigerian 
Tribune, June 24 1986. 
2. For a full discussion of suggestions as to the possible positive contributions of these bodies to the disengagement 
programmes, see Larry Diamond "Issues in the Constitutional Design for a Third Nigerian Republic" in 
African Affairs, and Kola Olugbade "Redesigning Nigeria; The Quest for a Stable Polity" (forthcoming). 
3. It was partly due to the efforts of the students that the defence pact, which would have subjected Nigeria to total 
military control by Britain, was abrogated. 
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