Journal of Social Development in Africa (1988) 3,2, 5-16 
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe — 
prospects for the future* 
K H WEKWETE+ 
ABSTRACT 
This paper briefly examines the context of rural growth points in Zimbabwe 
since Independence (1980). It examines prospects for rural industrial and 
commercial growth in the light of a highly centralised industrial and 
commercial base, dominated by monopolistic and oligopolistic firms. A 
number of possible small scale industry opportunities are identified, which 
lead to an assessment of the current role of central and local government 
initiatives. 
Introduction 
The term 'growth point' is widely used in Zimbabwe to denote settlements 
which are earmarked or designated for economic and physical development. 
The terminology is often confusing because of the wide range of settlements 
to which it is applied — ranging from small rural centres to setdements the 
size of Chitungwiza (the third largest town in Zimbabwe). This wide 
application also results in policy problems, particularly in terms of 
incentives required to attract investment and the support which central 
government has to give. Growm points can generally be defined as 
settlements (rural or urban) which central and local government consider 
have a potential for further development and hence need to be supported by 
further public and private sector investment. 
In me immediate post-independence era (post-1980) the focus of the 
growth centre policy was on rural areas. The centres (points) were identified 
in the communal areas and would receive public sector investment to 
improve physical and social infrastructure. This investment estimated at $60 
million between 1983/4-1985/6 would be directed at the following: water 
reticulation, internal roads, sewage-, electricity and other community 
services. The main focus was on physical development which was perceived 
as a basis on which private and other public capital would be attracted to the 
centres. In an effort to redress the imbalanced nature of the colonial 
* Paper presented to the 4th Annual Congress of the Association of District Councils, 
November 1987, Nyanga, Zimbabwe. 
+ Dept of Rural and Urban Planning, P O Box MP167, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe.
- e A H Wlkwete 
economy, the development of settlements (District Centres, Rural Service 
Centres 'and business centres) was seen as providing important foci for 
locating investment. Their development would improve the image or 
attractiveness of the communal areas, as potential investment areas. 
This paper addresses the issue of improving the potential and examining 
prospects for the decentralisation of economic activities and for local rural 
industrialisation in communal areas. The paper examines some of the 
current government initiatives to strengthen economic development of the 
centres (growth points) and some of the limiting structural factors. Finally 
some suggestions are made on possible future strategies and how local 
authorities should respond. 
Policy and Public Sector Investment Programme 
Since its inception as policy in 1981, the growth centre policy has been 
characterised by a focus on the physical development of designated centres. 
Each of the 55 district council areas has a district centre which has a de-facto 
growth point status (growth point area). Through the Public Sector 
Investment Programme each of the centres has received a minimum of 
Z$ 160 000 for infrastructural development. More investment has flowed, 
particularly housing for the different government ministries, whose 
operations have been decentralised to mese centres. 
The nature of the district centres vary but most of them reveal the typical 
predominance of low order commercial services (general dealers, etc) and 
administrative services (central and local government). 
The implementation of the physical infrastructure programme was 
perceived in three phases [phase 1 (1983/4), phase 2 (1984/5), phase 3 
(1985/6)]. For most centres the targeted investment has been installed and in 
some cases more physical infrastructure investment has been granted 
(usually the more vibrant centres: Murewa, Gutu, Gokwe). In most districts 
the attention has shifted to the smaller rural service centres and business 
centres which form the lower ranks of the settlement hierarchy. At central 
and local government levels the question most often asked is how do we 
make growth points grow? What should be promoted and how? 
In 1978 government passed statutory instruments 57 and 58, which relate 
to income tax and sales tax provisions respectively,'for prospective investors 
in growth point areas. Such provisions include reduction in income tax for 
companies locating in growth points and sales tax exemptions for the 
purchases of capital equipment. The incentives are aimed at attracting 
potential entrepreneurs to invest and also to attract existing large firms to 
decentralise. The statutory instruments follow the gazetting of land 
constituting each service centre and the preparation of physical layout plans. 
Another initiative by central government has been the establishment of
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe 7 
the Urban Development Corporation in 1986 whose terms of reference 
include: 'to generate employment and encourage the development of 
commerce and industry within development areas' (Urban Development 
Corporation Act 1986). This initiative was in addition to the Small 
Enterprises Development Corporation established in 1983. One of its key 
objectives is to encourage and assist in the establishment of co-operatives 
and small commercial and industrial enterprises. 
At local government level, local audiorities in conjunction with die 
Department of Physical Planning have been preparing investment brochures 
for each of the growth centres (District) as information for potential 
investors. Efforts are also being made to provide housing and related 
services to attract existing firms to invest in the rural areas. 
Therefore, following what can be termed the 'infrastructure phase', policy 
has now shifted towards the stimulation of economic activity. This shift is 
logical but it is also a realisation that infrastructure on its own will not 
necessarily attract investment. Given mat there are 55 District centres 
(growth point areas) and many other small towns (which can apply for 
growth point status), the competition for investment for each is stiff. The 
advantages for each centre are likely to stem from its 'natural' endowment, 
eg location in high productive area, or location at important nodal fed for 
public and private transport. Out of die 55 centres, it is estimated that no 
more than 10 centres have potential for self-sustaining development The 
fortunes for die majority depend on continued support from die public 
sector investment programme. They are unlikely to perform any better, in a 
commercial sense, than some existing business and rural service centres 
(Wekwete 1987). 
The question therefore remains: how do we make growth points grow? 
What activities could feasibly be promoted to generate more employment 
and provide a sustainable base for the future? 
Prospects for industrial and commercial activities 
Economic activity in rural growth points is still largely service oriented. In a 
recent survey (1986) carried out in Mhondoro district on die nature of 
activities in business centres, the four dominant services found were: general 
dealers 26%, botde stores 12%, grinding mills. 12%, butcheries 11% (Rural 
Market Society Survey, 1987). These four constitute 61% of all activity. Such 
findings continue to reinforce earlier surveys which showed a dominance of 
grinding mills and general dealers (56%) (Heath, 1978). The 1985 survey 
(Wekwete, 1987) showed a general increase in business activity in district 
centres but widi limited structural changes in terms of types of activity. 
Industrial activity continues to be very limited in most centres. 
Therefore an important item on the agenda is addressing die question of 
rural industrialisation via growth points, and examining further potential for
8 K H Wekwete 
improving commerce. Helmsing (1986) identified two types of rural 
industry: the first concerns household based activities, mostly part-time 
and often seasonal activities, which generate a complementary income for 
the householdj the second refers to owner operated workshops which 
produce goods and services, and owners derive their primary income from 
these activities. These two types represent a continuum from a situation 
where industrial activity is part of peasant subsistence economy, to a 
situation where industrial activity is established in its own right. Factors 
influencing such a process include commercialisation of agriculture or it 
could simply be penetration from established industries in urban areas to 
tap the rural market Expansion of the rural market is related to increasing 
rural incomes (as a result of urban transfers, better cropping methods, 
marketing, etc). 
The policy of growth centres relates primarily to establishing settlements 
in which economic activity takes place. This therefore calls for policy to 
address what activity is promoted in the settlements. It calls for a need to 
carefully assess potential. The evidence from the districts suggests "that 
manufacturing is less important than retail trade and commerce. Within 
manufacturing agro-processing takes predominance, in particular grinding 
mills. Metalworking activities are varied and range from blacksmithing and 
tinsmithing to welding, fence-making and the manufacture of scotchcarts. 
Textile and clothing is fairly limited except for tailoring and repair work" 
(Helmsing, 1986:14). Rural industry is therefore generally small, poorly 
capitalised and there is a lack of entrepreneurial skills in the industrial field 
(most businessmen are into commerce which is relatively low risk). 
Rural growth centres therefore face problems because even when 
incentives exist there are severe local constraints (particularly entrepreneurial 
and capital) which have to be overcome. The centres are looking for 
potential investors from the already established urban centres which calls for 
incentives and which is highly competititve given the large number of 
centres looking for investment If towns the size of Chitungwiza, 20 
kilometres away from Harare, with a large labour pool and sendees, fail to 
attract industry to decentralise or relocate in them, then the prospects for 
small rural centres are bleak. What can Kotwa or Silalabuhwa offer an 
industrialist to locate their firm in these centres? 
Increasingly therefore there is a realisation that prospects for decentralisation 
of economic activity are poor. One of the major constraints is the 
limited size of the national market for existing industrial and commercial 
firms. Given the new production technologies it is fairly easy for one or two 
large firms to satisfy and dominate the market 
This monopolistic or ologopolistic pattern limits decentralisation, or 
relocation, to depots or wholesale activity (Wekwete 1982). Such a pattern is 
fairly typical in Zimbabwe where most new activity in rural growth centres
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe 9 
has tended to be wholesaling, depots and small branch plants (eg bakeries). 
Another major constraint is the general low income levels prevailing in 
communal areas. High productivity is found in a few select areas (Gokwe, 
Murewa etc), but even in these areas diere is high seasonal variation due to 
droughts. Therefore the rural market still does not economically justify die 
setting up of new industries. It is still more meaningful to service them in a 
marketing sense through wholesaling, van sales and depots. 
Rural industrialisation is dependent on the growdi and development of 
die rural economy. It is on these same forces that rural growth points will 
depend. That a setdement has been created does not guarantee economic 
activity, let alone development of services. 
The designated growth centres in Zimbabwe have to overcome some of 
die prevailing structural constraints. This task requires in-depdi evaluative 
research, bodi of the industrial/commercial opportunities prevailing 
nationally, and the potential for exploiting them at growth centres. There is 
also a need to carefully examine the range of incentives offered and to see 
whether diey outweigh the current advantages offered in urban areas. If not 
men we have to address the issue of whether disincentives have to be offered 
for new investment locating in existing large urban areas. The policy 
implications point to a need to address die national issue of die 
decentralisation of economic activity. 
The prospects for industrial and commercial development can be 
approached in two ways: first, in terms of what activities can be promoted at 
these centres, given die limitations of die national market and, secondly, in 
terms of policies as they relate to governmental and non-governmental 
organisations. These two are interrelated and complementary. 
Industrial and commercial activities at growth points 
One immediate problem is die varied potentials of die district centres/growdi 
points. Wekwete (1987) identified two types of centres: 
First, high potential centres which have a wide range of low order and 
high order services including strong administrative infrastructure. Such 
centres can be designated urban by virtue of dicir population exceeding 
2 500 (1982 census)1. These include such centres as Murewa, Mutoko, 
Gokwe, Gutu-Mupandawana, Chisumbanje and Sanyati. 
Secondly, low potential centres whose roles have been elevated by dieir 
post-1980 designation, and whose future will depend largely on continued 
public sector investment support. These form the majority of centres 
which are primarily service centres widi limited economic potential. 
An important difference between die two types identified is diat die high 
potential centres have begun to benefit significandy from some forms of 
economic decentralisation. This is particularly in terms of urban-based
10 K H Wekwete 
firms seeking relocation to market their produce in rural areas. The shift is 
dominantly of wholesale and retail activity, and limited in terms of 
productive (manufacturing) industries. Urban based firms will take 
advantage of current income and sales tax rebates to relocate some of their 
operations to high potential growth points. However experience of such 
relocation in other countries (United Kingdom and other European 
countries) points to the fact that such moves to peripheral or depressed areas" 
might not benefit the areas significantly in terms of employment or locally 
retained capital. Large companies could take advantage of such incentives 
for their overall income tax and sales tax benefit. It is also likely they would 
locate in areas where, even without incentives, they would eventually be 
attracted because of the market potential. 
The majority of centres are largely beneficiaries of government 
investment, particularly the location of government ministries and parastatals. 
Housing development and service development are important spinoffs. 
Most industrial activity which tends to relocate would be of limited 
repair and service oriented type — tailoring, blacksmithing, brick making, 
etc. The future economic development is closely linked to the overall 
regeneration of the productive capacity of communal lands. 
The biggest asset of the communal areas is population, numbers which 
could form the basis of a potentially viable consumer and production 
market The major constraint is the lack of a viable productive base 
particularly with the pressure on land and resources in general. Therefore it 
can be argued that the future of most 'growth points' lies increasingly in the 
solutions put forward for agrarian and productive elements of the 
communal sector. If land is re-organised productively then growth points' 
will prosper, as marketing and production outlets. Therefore a major policy 
challenge is to remove the constraints to overall economic growth which will 
pave the way for growth points also to develop. 
A number of suggestions have been made concerning proposed rural 
industries (Wekwete 1982). These include: 
(a) seed grading and packing 
The advantages of such an industry include an existing demand among all 
communal farmers for a variety of types of seed for their farming 
operations. Investment in such an industry is relatively low — large shed 
and sorting tables — and the industry would be labour intensive. 
Existing seed-farming and packing has been geared to commercial 
farming operations. There is a large potential (which has been growing) 
among small scale farmers. The operations of such an industry could be 
localised through a local farmers' co-operative, who would also buy and 
sell some pre-packed seed. Such an industry has the advantage of directly 
relating to the activity of farmers.
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe 11 
(b) fruit and vegetable processing 
The existing industries are located in the Eastern Districts of the cduntry 
where there is large scale organised fruit farming. The area has also a high 
agro-ecological potential — high rainfall and rich soils. Few rural areas 
could claim such advantages. The commercial demand for processed fruit 
and vegetables has been linked to an urban-based market (in particular 
the small affluent groups). 
In the communal lands, fruit farming is not organised — in most cases 
it is largely defined for subsistence needs. The family grows a few mango 
or guava trees for local consumption, this could be improved dirough 
further extension work. Indeed, currently ARDA (Agricultural and Rural 
Development Authority) is involved in a project in Mutoko district, which 
could provide a valuable pilot scheme. 
(c) Processing of oil-seeds 
The production of oil seeds — groundnuts, sunflowers, etc — is an 
important element of communal farming (although not as significant as 
maize growing). The oil-processing industry is urban based and provides 
an important input into other industrial operations (soap making, baking, 
etc). 
The possibility of small-oil processing plants being developed for rural 
areas exists, but diis requires a guarantee of inputs from producers. With 
the current government encouragement for oil-seed production (high 
producer prices), there is a possibility of rural entrepreneurs or cooperatives 
taking advantage of likely increased production. There is a 
need for a feasibility study to be carried out in this area of operation. 
(d) Rural abattoirs and associated industries 
In the 197O's, during the colonial period, there was a growing number of 
entrepreneurs operating their own butcheries and slaughter houses. The 
number of leases for butcheries in 1975 was 869, forming approximately 
6% of rural business trade. With the intensification of the liberation war 
there was a general collapse of this industry and tKe monopoly of the Cold 
Storage Commission increased, partly as a way of controlling such diseases 
as anthrax (there was a break down of veterinary services). 
However such monopoly has increased in the post-independence era, 
partly for the same reasons (control of disease) but also as a deliberate 
policy of centralising the marketing of beef. With growing demand the 
supply of beef from the Cold Storage Commission has been generally 
inadequate in both rural and urban areas. The marketing of catde of 
peasant farmers and access to the Cold Storage Commission has been 
hampered by constant droughts and also the distance from the depots 
(mostly created for commercial farmers). 
A case exists now for encouraging locally oriented rural abattoirs. The
12 K H Wckwete 
Cold Storage Commission should decentralise its expertise (together with 
veterinary services) to initiate the development of such industries. The 
local entrepreneurs would have to register with the Cold Storage 
Commission, who would advise on slaughter facilities and refrigeration, 
packaging and marketing of meat. Strategic parastatals should spearhead 
government policy on decentralisation to growth points. 
There should be a co-ordinated approach to the marketing of byproducts 
including skins, bones, horns, hooves and fats. All the 
by-products are important inputs to existing urban based industries. 
Rural growth points could be important collecting centres and eventually 
processing centres. 
(e) Rural milling and associated products 
Rural milling is currently characterised by grinding mill operations. These 
operations are largely service-oriented (ie providing rural consumers with 
a place where they can process their maize and other small grains). In no 
case are grinding mill operations taken to be production based as do 
urban millers. There is also a lack of associated industries — processing of 
chicken feeds, pigfeeds and animal feeds. 
Rural milling operations could purchase concentrates from the large 
manufacturers and could be the centre of mixing and packaging. Such 
operations are labour intensive and require low capitalisation, which 
would be ideal for co-operatives and local entrepreneurs. 
Indeed we could propose a whole range of activities for growth points 
which could be investigated for implementation (pre-feasibility). It is argued 
that industries must have a direct relation to local activities which are 
generally focused on agriculture (livestock and crop production). Such 
industries have a local market and could complement the already existing 
supplies from the main industries, which are currently hampered by the 
high costs of transport and inputs. 
Because the decentralisation of existing urban industries is limited by the 
size of the existing market, the approach proposed is to tap existing gaps in 
the rural market, which would strengthen non-farm activities. Such a locally 
based approach requires a different set of incentives from that prescribed for 
decentralising major industries. 
One such incentive is a relatively low-wage rate for the small industries, to 
enable them to be competitive. The other is encouraging joint activity in 
terms of shareholding with such organisations as SEDCO (Small Enterprises 
Development Corporation). The participation by SEDCO will enable the 
small industries to benefit from the corporation's expertise and to have 
access to financial support. Initially such a scheme could involve a few pilot 
industries in a sample of growth points. SEDCO should not only offer 
financial support, but should nurture entrepreneurship.
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe 13 
A large proportion of commercial activities in rural growth points are in 
the form of retail and other services. They represent an exchange of 
manufactured goods originating from the existing urban areas. The range of 
products includes basic consumables (non-durable) to durable goods, 
which are sold predominandy through small retail oudets. In most cases 
diere is a large incidence of overtrading, particularly in the smaller service 
centres. A number of areas need to be improved: First, the prices offered in 
retail outlets is much higher than that offered in urban areas due to transport 
costs. This could improve through bulk co-operative buying, directly by 
rural traders. At a given centre traders could pool their resources together to 
buy 'bulk', which would reduce die cost and subsequendy retail prices. The 
problem could also be approached from die point of view of setting up 
wholesale ventures to benefit not only die growth points, but die district as a 
whole. 
Secondly, die range and quality of products is generally poor — diere is 
limited diversification. This results in rural customers having to make dieir 
major purchases in die main urban areas. A recent survey in Mhondoro 
(1986) reveals mat a high"proportion of expenditure on items such as shoes, 
trousers, furniture, blankets, agricultural tools, etc goes outside die district 
to nearby urban centres — Harare and Chegutu (Rural Market Society 
Survey 1987). Such evidence suggests diat more provision should be made in 
local shops for higher order and durable goods. This requires specialisation 
by local businessmen and also greater access to credit. 
On die whole die future development of commercial exchange depends 
on die improvement of rural incomes. This in turn depends on die future 
delivery of government services (social/physical infrastructure) and die 
patterns of capital flows. 
Roles of central and local government in promoting economic activity 
We have already identified government's involvement in die promotion of 
growdi points since 1980. This has been carried out dirough die roles of die 
different ministries and parastatal bodies. The early phase was characterised 
by die establishment of physical infrastructure but more recendy die focus is 
on promoting economic activities. It is suggested that central government, 
dirough its development agencies, should undertake a major evaluation 
exercise of all die rural growth points, in order to be able to formulate long 
term policies on future development. 
Given the decline in available public sector expenditure, there is a careful 
need to prioritise die allocation of resources. Not all centres will be viable 
growth points and therefore there is a need to identify the different types and 
determine appropriate policies for each. The 'blanket' approach will not 
serve a useful purpose given the differing potentials of the centres. Future 
public sector investment should be geared to very specific targets and
14 K H Wekwete 
preferably to productive enterprises. 
There is a need to carefully examine supporting policies, eg agrarian 
reform or resettlement, and to see how they can benefit the designated 
centres. This has to be coupled with a review of some of the national policies, 
eg minimum wage regulations, in terms of how they benefit the promotion 
of rural enterprise ami .ictivity. 
Given the long term goal of establishing a socialist economy, there is a 
need to examine the role settlement planning plays in attaining such goals. 
How dan growtli points be made to contribute to socialist transformation? 
What principles should be followed in setting up small scale enterprises, and 
what are the relations with the large scale capitalist industries? One 
dominant feature of the Zimbabwean economy is the prevalence of 
monopolistic or oligopolistic firms (in commerce and industry) — how 
beneficial is this to efforts being made towards decentralisation of economic 
activity to rural areas? Maybe there is a need to set up some mechanism to 
protect small rural industries, if they can prove viable employment 
generators. 
The role of local authorities (specifically district councils for rural growth 
points) in the promotion and management of these designated centres is of 
vital importance (Wekwete, 1987). The local authorities are vested with 
planning powers (Regional Town and Country Planning Act 1976) and 
therefore have to initiate development projects. Although the traditional 
role of local authorities is development control, there is an important shift in 
defining their roles as development agents. This means they must be 
involved, in income generating projects and must actively create business 
partnerships widii the private sector. 
In most rural growth points in Zimbabwe the most obvious role for local 
authority involvement is property development. This involves the provision 
of housing, offices and recreational facilities. Such a role improves available 
facilities to attract new business, but it can also be a significant revenue 
earner. Local authorities must actively look for new investment and 
therefore need active planning and development units in their management 
structures. This is currently lacking, but needs to be examined as an urgent 
priority. The post-1980 call for a planner per district is long overdue and 
needs to be implemented soon. It will also strengmen the shift from 
administrative orientation to a more development/project orientation on 
the part of local authorities. 
Finally whereas the question of incentives has tended to be a central 
government issue, there is a need to address it at local government levels. 
What can district X offer which district Y cannot3 Such differentials might 
not be conducive to equitable development, but within the context of the 
prevailing mixed economy, it will be a necessary evil. Central government 
will have to continue its arbitration role to ensure that those disadvantaged
Rural Growth Points in Zimbabwe i5 
economically do not suffer in a social sense. In other words the argument is 
sacrificing equity to greater economic regeneration and employment in 
fewer centres. Such a view tends to be 'hard-nosed', particularly in relation 
to selection and the aim is to achieve greater economic efficiency. 
Conclusions 
This paper has examined the post-independence initiatives in promoting 
and developing rural growth points. The role of central government and its 
agencies in formulating policies has been identified, and the current 
emphasis on promoting economic development. A number of suggestions 
in terms of future commercial and industrial activities have been made, but 
they require further investigation and analysis. 
The main conclusion is that the promotion of economic activities in 
designated rural centres requires a careful understanding of the many 
prevailing economic forces. Such intervention can only succeed when the 
key actors are identified and a balance is struck between promoting locally 
based activities and those coming from outside. The paper strongly argues 
for those activities linked to the primary activity, agriculture, which are 
labour intensive and have a potentially viable local market. 
The incentives already put forward by central government are unlikely to 
result in any major shift to the rural areas of commercial and industrial 
activities. There is a requirement for further analysis and the investigation of 
other structural constraints. This requires the participation of both central 
and local government. Finally, there is a problem in Zimbabwe of the 'too 
many centres syndrome'. The available resources cannot cope with initial 
equity oriented selection, which requires that a few centres be chosen and 
they be provided with packages which will make them self-sustaining 
centres. 
FOOTNOTE 
1. Although the census definition of an urban area is 2 500, there are other criteria which 
central government applies before a centre can be accorded municipal status. All rural 
growth points with a population above 2 500 have not been formally given an urban 
municipal status; they are settlements whose jurisdiction still lies with their respective 
rural/district councils. 
References 
Heath R (1978) Rhodesian Service Centres and Service Regions, 
unpublished MPhil Thesis, University of Zimbabwe. 
Helmsing A H J (1986) Rural Industries.and Growth Points: issues 
in an ongoing policy debate in Zimbabwe, Occasional Paper, Dept of 
Rural and Urban Planning, University of Zimbabwe. 
Rural Market Society Survey (1987) A Study on the Feasibility of
16
Periodic Marketing Systems in Mhondoro. 
Statutory Instrument 57 of 1987 — Income Tax (Growth Point Areas) 
(Service Centres) Notice, 1987, Cap 181, Government Printer, Harare. 
Statutory Instrument 58 of" 1987 — Sales Tax (Declaration of Growth Point 
Areas) (Service Centres) Notice 1987, Cap 184, Government Printer, 
Harare. 
Urban Development Corporation Act (1986), Government Printer, Harare. 
Wekwete K H (1987) Growth Centre Policy in Zimbabwe, A Focus 
on District Centres, Occasional Paper, Dept of Rural and Urban 
Planning," University of Zimbabwe. 
Wekwete K H (1982) Spatial and Structural Analysis of Manufacturing 
Industries in Zimbabwe and the Implications for Regional 
Planning, unpublished PhD Thesis, University of London.