56 Leonard Bloom ' 
assumptions about the nature of society — and hence of justice — seem 
common to governments: 
1. a strong tendency to authoritarian and hierarchical government, with 
which is associated a suspicion of participatory democracy; 
2. a conflict between lip-service to the idea of national identity and the lively 
persistence of 'ethnic', linguistic or smaller regional groups; 
3. the pervasive influence of the extended family and the 'ethnic' group as 
the dynamic and cohesive force behind wider economic, political and 
social organisations. The growth of a small wealthy class has barely 
touched this influence. Rather it tends to reinforce it; 
4. there is male domination or even male monopoly of power and influence 
in many sectors of society. In particular, there is little or no effective 
sharing of political power by men with women. Father or elder brother 
rules! There is not yet even one female head of state in Africa, and only in 
Mozambique, Angola and among South African Africans have women 
been encouraged to take a significant part in political activity, despite 
their part in the struggle for Independence as, for example, in Ghana. 
What governments know or believe to be acceptable to the citizens equally 
depends upon the assumptions held by governments about the mechanisms of 
consultation. Mechanisms that were practical and acceptable to nations of 
villagers are no longer adequate. There are few leaders who, like Nyerere, 
Gowon and the young Nkrumah, have understood the necessity to maintain 
an emotional rapport with all the communities within the society. Now, even 
their efforts would be inadequate or inappropriate as new constituencies have 
grown up. Many new economic, political and social interests have been taken 
up by new groups, old power groups based upon older interests have lost 
influence. No one can predict the future clearly, except that many observers 
note that power is increasingly urban-based. 
Rein (1976) considers three further issues. 
(1) How, if at all, do the administrators of policy take into account the need to 
harmonise individual needs, wants and goals with social goals? Do 
administrators take seriously such harmonisation, or do they brush it 
aside with arguments about 'common good' being paramount? For 
example, when the Nigerian government was planning the new capital, 
Abuja, there was some consultation with the local people who were going 
to be dispossessed about their wishes and needs for a new settlement. But 
there was no question about the decision to' build the new capital, 
although many Nigerians were sceptical of its necessity and resentful of 
the huge expenditure. It may be asked if social scientists are concerned 
about the fundamental ethical problem or if, and how, such harmonisation 
of individual and social needs may be maximised. In Africa the social 
sciences have tended to shun such questions. 
(2) Rein asks if social scientists should challenge the administrators or