Journal of Social Development in Africa (1987), 2, 49-71 
Self-Reliance in Practice: A Study of Burial 
Societies in Harare, Zimbabwe. 
N P HALL+ 
ABSTRACT 
Burial societies are local indigenous organisations which provide mutual help 
and assistance to members in the event of death and illness, and are an 
established feature of urban life in Zimbabwe. As such they are examples of 
self-reliance in practice, but despite this there has been very little in the way of 
concrete research in this area. This paper sets out to investigate the role that 
burial societies play in the lives of their members and is therefore concerned 
with the various functions that the societies' perform, the services that they 
offer, as well as establishing members' motivations for joining. The assumption 
is made that there are both 'manifest' and 'latent' needs on the part of the 
membership for which the societies cater. In addition to considering the 
relationship between society and member, the study also examines the 
preponderance and extent of use of the societies in the high density suburbs of 
Zimbabwe's capital city, Harare. Consideration is given to some of the 
organisational and structural aspects of the societies. Previous research into 
the societies is noted to provide background to this study and there is some 
speculation on the role the societies could perform in the future. 
Introduction 
Burial societies present as a fairly well established and significant feature in 
many of Zimbabwe's high density suburbs. They are generally seen to offer a 
measure of financial security in the event of bereavement and also cater for 
some of the other social needs of their members. As Cormack (1983) has 
noted, burial societies can be seen as a product of urban living and appear to 
have evolved to aid the migrant from the rural areas who finds himself facing 
problems in a strange and hostile environment. They have therefore been seen 
+ Director of Fieldwork, School of Social Work, P Bag 66022 Kopje, Harare, Zimbabwe
50 fit P Hall 
to function as self-supporting networks that ease some of the trauma associated 
with urbanisation and help maintain some of the traditions and cultural values 
of their members. This is perhaps particularly so with those burial societies that 
base their membership on foreign migrant workers, although other burial 
societies are made up of Zimbabwean and church based groups. Burial 
societies therefore present as organisations that would seem to fulfull some 
real 'need' on the part of their members and that have a definite functional 
quality. The number of burial societies and their continuity over long periods 
of time shows their appeal and popularity and again gives the impression that 
they are indeed relatively successful in their activity. 
This paper examines the service provided by burial societies to the 
community at the present time but also looks tentatively at the possible role 
these societies might offer in the future. Post-independent Zimbabwe has 
stressed the values of self-reliance and self-help as part of the 'new' socioeconomic 
order. Burial societies have been seen as fulfilling a wide range of 
social and economic functions - from maintaining 'home boy' ties1 (particularly 
those ties maintaining a link with a person's rural home or maintaining links 
between those from the rural home in the urban context- ie. both extra-town 
and intra-town ties), to providing some measure of financial security for 
members with some apparent degree of success. However, our knowledge of 
these organisations is limited as there is little in the way of concrete research 
and documentation, although some small scale studies have been carried out. 
Burial societies appear to have established organisational structures which 
are geared to a self-help philosophy. Their apparent success might prove of 
interest when considering new groups being set up to achieve other aims of a 
more developmental nature in Zimbabwe today. Many such groups, for example 
some co-operatives, have ended in failure, sometimes due to the inexperience 
and lack of group cohesion of the members. Whether the functions of burial 
societies could be looked at in terms of co-operative development or similar 
ventures - either on the part of the societies themselves or other organisations - 
is considered in this paper. 
History and previous research on burial societies 
Records from the National Archives of Zimbabwe show that as early as 1919 
burial societies had already been formed-namely the Sena Burial Society and 
the Gazaland Burial Society - which based their membership on migrant 
labourers from Mozambique. The Sena Burial Society split into two factions
Self-Reliance in Practice 51 
around 19232 following in-fighting over financial mismanagement and this led 
to the formation of the Sena Burial Society of the North and one of the South. 
Stopforth (1971) in his survey of Highfield township mentions that the Sena 
Burial Society was still operational and this is confirmed by this present 
research. There is little information on the formation of burial societies until 
the late 1960's when Ndubiwa (1974) reported that during this time there was 
a keen interest in the formation of such societies in the African townships of 
Bulawayo. He noted that by 1973, 248 burial societies had registered their 
constitutions and were approved by the Bulawayo District Commissioner. He 
also speculated that perhaps an equal number operated without approved 
constitutions or with no constitutions at all. Cormack (1970) suggests that the 
number of societies in Harare may be less than Bulawayo and compares these 
high numbers to a study of Highfield township3 which identified only 18 
societies. The result of this present survey indicated a total of 30 burial 
societies in Highfield and this may not have been exhaustive. The total number 
of 134 societies identified in the course of this study is likely to be an 
underestimate and a definite count may have to wait until registration of 
societies is compulsory. 
Ndubiwa (1974) noted that membership of societies generally ranged from 
10 to 50 and in some cases could exceed 100. He noted that although 
membership was supposed to be open to all, in practice the pattern was that it 
was confined to those who came from the same regional and ethnic groupings. 
This finding was supported by research carried out by Moller (1975) in a study 
of Mbare, Mufakose and Kambuzuma, three high density suburbs in 
Harare. Moller observed that most burial societies were organised along tribal, 
regional and ethnic lines and the motivation for joining stemmed from the need 
of the members to maintain traditional and cultural ties with their rural homes. 
While maintenance of ethnic and tribal ties might provide a key motivation for 
the formation of burial societies, other more practical objectives have been 
documented. Cormack lists the following: 
a) to advise members when a death occurs; 
b) to consult the bereaved family; 
c) to meet the cost of burial (coffin, providing food and transport for 
mourners); 
d) to assist financially the bereaved family; 
e) to visit members taken ill; 
f) to pay hospital fees; 
g) to assist the unemployed; 
h) to organise social gatherings for members.
52 NPHall 
Cormack also notes that in addition to their stated objectives, burial 
societies also meet a number of latent needs on the part of their members. For 
example they may ease the trauma experienced by the migrant to the urban 
area by introducing him to town and enabling him to enjoy a 'psychological 
sense of security'. This may help mitigate the loss of the mutual support and 
close kinship association previously provided by traditional ties. The migrant's 
adaptation to urban life will therefore be eased as many of his traditional values 
and cultural ways will be shared with the other members, and he may be able to 
participate in some traditional activities such as dancing. Cormack notes that 
there is little evidence of co-ordination between societies in a township and in 
only a few cases does society membership extend beyond the limits of a single 
township. He also suggests that societies favour the approval or registration of 
a constitution as this gives them a stamp of respectability. Moller has also 
observed that due to burial societies' economic and self-help aspect they also 
fulfilled a social function. Members enjoyed regular drinking sessions and also 
the major annual Christmas party. Moller noted that burial societies could give 
loans to their members in time of difficulty as well as assisting with burial 
costs. 
Purpose of this research 
The study aimed to investigate the role and function of burial societies in 
Harare with a particular concern to establish their preponderance and use, 
particularly how they are organised and the services/benefits they provide; to 
determine some of their 'manifest' and 'latent' functions, ie, the needs they 
cater for; to establish their popularity and members' motivations for joining; to 
explore briefly the apparent success of burial societies in terms of their 
continuity and self-help philosophy in relation to any wider role in terms of 
'development' or co-operative initiatives for these or other groups. 
More specifically, the study was aimed at establishing the population of 
burial societies within the high density suburbs of Harare (excluding Chitungwiza) 
and collecting data on such matters as membership, committee 
structure, contributions payable and benefits received. One area of interest 
regarding membership involved the background of members as far as 'urban 
permanency' was concerned - questions here aimed at determining the level of 
contact members still had with the rural areas. The relevance of this was to 
determine whether a primary motivation for joining a burial society had to do 
with maintaining links with the rural areas. The research therefore aimed to 
identify what needs are catered for by the societies and attempted to establish 
the attitudes and opinions that members held towards the organisation and 
function of their societies and discover if they felt satisfied with these.
Self-Reliance in Practice 53 
Hypotheses 
This research was primarily exploratory and there was little factual data or set 
of theories to guide any definite hypotheses. However, a basic assumption was 
that burial societies appear to have had some success with an established 
organisation and membership and that this may be due to some of the following 
factors: 
a) they are voluntary organisations, where membership is not imposed but is 
considered a privilege; 
b) the desire for membership arises out of one of the most basic needs of all — 
ie the wish for a decent, respectable burial (manifest function). In this 
regard there are sound financial incentives for maintaining membership 
and legitimate benefits which derive from this; 
c) the societies offer and extension of the primary group in a secondary setting 
- ie 'home-boy' ties and close friendships (latent function); 
d) a final and very tentative hypothesis concerned the apparent popularity 
and success of these societies and the postulation that an increased 
knowledge of their organisation and motivation could be of benefit to other 
groups, as well as to the societies themselves. 
Methodology 
As a first step basic information collection was a priority and this concerned 
building up an index of the names, addresses and relevant contact persons for 
as many burial societies as could be discovered. Two students assisted with 
data collection over a two month period, although further follow-up continued 
for several months (Jan - June 1985). 
Information was collected from a wide variety of sources, including the 
National Archives, Government libraries, funeral parlours and the Deeds 
Office at the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs which holds 
constitutions of burial societies. In order to update this information, gain 
further contacts and discover which burial societies were currently active in 
the high density suburbs, contact was made with Community Services 
Departments and caretakers of community halls in a number of townships in 
Harare. 
At the end of this information collection exercise a total of 134 burial 
societies had been located. However, on further analysis this figure reduced 
to 97 as no information could be obtained on the remaining 37 societies
54 N P Hall 
regarding either their whereabouts or whether in fact they were still in 
existence. This figure was then used as the population of interest for the 
purpose of the sampling frame. Although a sample of approximately 30% of 
societies had been initially aimed for, in the end this figure was reduced to 
approximately 23% - a total of 22 burial societies. The burial societies were 
also selected on the basis of their origin as this appeared to be of significance in 
their style and method of operation. Consequently an equal proportion of 
indigenous and 'disparate' societies (formed by Malawian or Zambian Nationals) 
were selected for the study. 
Interview schedules 
Interview schedules were prepared for administration to two different sets of 
respondents. The first schedule was aimed at burial society office holders (ie 
committee members) in each of the 22 burial societies and the second schedule 
was intended for completion by burial society members of which 48 members 
responded. The interview schedules aimed to collect factual data on the 
structure and organisation of burial societies and secondly to consider the 
attitudes and opinions held by respondents regarding their societies. Some of 
the questions in the respective schedules were 'overlapping' in order to 
compare the response from the office holders with that of the general 
membership. 
Background data 
The main respondents to the survey were the Presidents of the burial societies. 
In most cases interviews with other respondents were only carried out in the 
absence of the President who usually commanded great respect. In some cases 
interviews had to be re-arranged as committee members were unwilling to cooperate 
without the sanction and presence of the President. Due to the 
'snowball' type of sampling, surveys were limited to five of the high-density 
suburbs in Harare. The 22 burial societies were located, proportionately, in 
the following suburbs: Mbare (36%), Mabvuku-Tafara (36%), Highfiedl (23%) 
and Msasa (5%). It is worth noting that three of these societies had branches in 
at least two other suburbs and one society (Manica) had branches in as many 
as six of the high-density suburbs. These additional branches were excluded 
from the survey in order to avoid duplication of responses. 
The majority of burial societies were founded between 1971 and 1980, 
representing 41 % of the sample (nine societies). Only 25% of the sample (five
Self-Reliance in Practice 55 
societies) had been formed after 1981. However over a third of the sample 
(eight societies) were founded prior to 1971 and one society was founded prior 
to 1930 (Malawi No 7 -1919). Of the earlier societies (ie pre-1971), six of the 
eight were non-Zimbabwean (ie Malawian or Zambian) in origin, 
indicating the earlier roots of the 'disparate' group. It was clear that many 
societies were initially formed by foreign migrant workers to Zimbabwe. For 
purposes of comparison, the sample of burial societies was divided equally into 
those whose origin could be traced to Malawi (41%) and Zambia (9%), while 
Zimbabwe accounted for the remaining 50%. Although those burial societies 
with roots outside this country retained a 'disparate' identity, approximately 
half of these had accepted a Zimbabwean membership in addition to the 
membership of their own nationality. In addition 27% of the sample indicated 
that membership was 'equally mixed' and would not identify any majority 
ethnic membership or membership of a specific nationality. It is worth bearing 
in mind that many of the disparate societies have now been in existence for two 
or even three generations and that the initial 'migrant' status of much of the 
membership has now given way to a more settled and indeed permanently 
'Zimbabwean' grouping. 
Membership 
Numbers, interest groupings and criteria 
The Zimbabwean burial societies generally seemed to have a smaller 
membership than the disparate group, with 91% of the former having a 
membership of under 100. In contrast only 45% of the disparate group had a 
membership of under 100, while 54% were over 100 (compared to only 9% of 
the Zimbabwean societies) This factor may be partly due to the longer 
existence of the disparate group. However this finding may also indicate that 
those societies founded initially by migrant workers have be«©me nodal points 
for those seeking contact with fellow-nationals or 'home-boys', and hence have 
attracted a larger membership. This was corroborated by responses to a further 
question that aimed to discover the main 'interest group' of each burial society. 
The responses indicated that while the nationality and tribal affiliation of the 
members proved a significant factor as a motivation for joining a society with 
the Malawian/Zambian grouping (ie 45% of that sample), the Zimbabwean 
societies were identified primarily on the bases of region (eg Manicaland) and 
district affiliation (8 societies or 73% of the Zimbabwean sample). In practice 
this distinction may not be as clear-cut as presented as there is evidence to 
suggest that the disparate grouping may also base then" membership on
56 N P Hall 
regional and district links within their home countries. First priority, however, 
with many disparate societies would be to grant fellow nationals membership. 
However, 41% of the overall sample indicated that membership was open to 
all irrespective of interest groupings. Even if this is the case many societies 
with ostensibly open membership do impose some restrictions, such as 
identifying who can take on leadership positions. 
A further question attempted to elicit whether burial societies maintained a 
certain identity and type of membership by imposing restrictions on who could 
qualify for membership. The responses revealed that nearly half (41%) 
ostensibly had no restrictions on membership and a further 18%, although 
having no restrictions on membership, did reserve the 'leadership' positions to 
those of a certain nationality (eg Malawian), or gave 'preference' to those from a 
certain area (eg Wedza). Nine societies (41%) indicated that they did have 
restrictions on membership and these varied from district groupings (eg Gutu 
District) to tribal groupings (eg Karanga) to national groupings (eg only 
Malawians). 
Age, sex and marital status 
The majority of members were male (79% of total sample) and aged between 
30-59 years (comprising 91 % of men). Only five members were aged between 
20-29 years (10% of total sample) and only four members were over 60 years 
of age (8% of total sample). Women accounted for 21 % of the total sample and 
those aged between 30-59 years accounted for 80% of that number. With 
regard to the distribution of men and women within the societies, some 
societies (mainly Zimbabwean, 36% of the total sample) would only accept 
men as members, while others (notably the disparate group, 23% of the total 
sample) accepted both men and women on an equal footing. A further four 
societies in the disparate group (18% of the total sample) did have both male 
and female membership, but each group met separately, although they were 
linked through t l * one committee structure. 
Where men only were entitled to membership, the wives and children of the 
members were covered in terms of the normal benefits provided by the society; 
however, they were not entitled to membership in their own right. Those 
societies which admitted both men and women as subscription-paying 
members, permitted women to join if they were the 'breadwinners' of the 
family and they then became entitled to benefits in the same way as their male 
counterparts. Where the membership is mixed, it is usual for men and women 
to be seated separately on either side of the room, although as mentioned 
above, some societies prefer separate meetings for each group.
Self-Reliance in Practice 57 
Almost all members of the burial societies were married (43 members, 
representing 90% of the sample). Only two members were single (4% of 
sample) while the remaining three members (6% of sample) were either 
divorced or widowed. 
Educational and occupational status 
Most members' education had not progressed beyond the primary school level 
(37 members or 77% of sample), while ten members (21% of sample) had 
attended secondary school at some stage. Only one member had received 
tertiary education. This educational level ties in to some extent with the 
occupational 'life chances' of the membership, which on the whole is of the less 
privileged socio-economic strata. 
The majority of members consisted of unskilled manual workers (27% of 
the sample), while this figure rose to 42% with the inclusion of the 'skilled 
manual' grouping (representing 20 members). Nine members (19% of sample) 
were unemployed. The remainder were divided between 'professional' 
(6%), 'clerical' (19%) and 'other' (15%). The 'other' category included two 
housewives, two self-employed, one security guard and two pensioners. 
Length of membership 
The majority of members had belonged to a burial society for five or more 
years (25 members or 52% of sample) and 15 of these (31%) had membership 
totalling over ten years. The remaining 23 members (48%) had a membership 
of less than five years. The general indication was of a well-established 
membership with a relatively long period of service as members. The 48 
members sampled had served between themselves a total of 434 years as 
members. 
Reasons for joining 
Members were asked to indicate by ranking in order of priority, four reasons 
which they may have had for joining a burial society. Although an 'other 
reason' column was added, all members decided to use the categories 
specified. These were: 
(a) financial security; 
(b) maintenance of tribal/regional links;
55 NPHall 
(c) entertainment and social activities; 
(d) a sense of 'group' belonging. 
The majority of members (83%) gave 'financial security' as their first 
priority as a motive for joining a burial society. 'Maintenance of tribal/regional 
links' received second priority; 'Entertainment and social activities' third 
priority, and 'A sense of group belonging' fourth priority, The indication 
therefore is that financial security is the dominant motive for joining a society, 
but that maintenance of tribal or regional identity, closely tied to a sense of 
group belonging, which admittedly is a similar area, is also important. 
Number of dependents 
The members were asked to state the number of their dependents. Dependents 
were classified as a spouse, children under 18 and relatives who were 
financially dependent to some extent on the member. The question intended to 
discover the extent of commitments of a member and hence perhaps the 
necessity of insurance in the event of misfortune. The results indicated that 
most members had dependents of one form or another. The majority of 
members had a relatively high commitment of between five and nine 
dependents (22 members, or 46% of sample), while eight members (17% of 
sample) had over ten dependent members; 14 members (29% of sample) had 
between one and four dependents, while only four members (8% of sample) 
had no dependents at all. 
Urban Permanency 
This concept was based on a variety of criteria and sought to establish the 
degree of urban commitment of members, with its implications for the need for 
members to maintain 'home boy' contacts in the urban setting and hence the 
likelihood of them joining organisations such as burial societies. The majority 
of members (35 or 73%) appeared to have a strong urban commitment. This 
was indicated by such factors as the length of time members had lived in 
Harare, the members' family situation, ownership of a house, land and 
livestock in rural areas and how often members might wish to visit their rural 
homes and for what particular reasons. The majority of members appeared to 
have very little or no tie to the rural areas and their degree of 'urbanisation' 
appeared high.
Self-Reliance in Practice 59 
This preponderance in favour of urban permanency proved to be weighted 
on the side of the disparate society members who obviously have less contact 
with their rural homelands. Most members of disparate societies reported a 
complete severance of ties with their areas of origin - presumably due to the 
distance involved, low income and the length of time many had spent away 
from 'home'. Of the disparate sample, 91% were classified as more or less 
permanently urban, while only 23% of the Zimbabwean sample fell into the 
same category, the remainder having close ties with the rural areas. 
Functioning of committee 
Office-holders were asked whether they considered that their executive 
committee functioned well. The response to this question was an overwhelming 
concurrence that the committee does indeed function well (21 of the 22 
societies). Reasons given ranged from the fact that members of the committee 
knew each other well and were familiar with procedure, to efficient communication 
and control being exercised by the committee members. This response 
is suspect, however, in view of the relatively high negative response regarding 
the issue of maladministration of funds and the problems involved in giving a 
critical response in a group situation. The one negative response listed 
'absenteeism' as the main problem facing the committee. 
Office-holders were asked whether they considered that the committee 
members needed any training to help them manage the society more 
efficiently. Opinion on the issue of training for members of the committee was 
roughly the same for both groups. Overall 15 societies (68%) indicated that 
some kind of training would be useful, while seven (32%) did not feel this was 
needed. Those that responded in favour of training generally listed accounting 
and bookkeeping as the most needed skills, although two felt that all officeholders 
(ie not only the treasurer) needed training. One society listed 
agriculture as a possible area - presumably as an income-generating venture 
for the society. Another respondent, although feeling that training was 
required, indicated concern that this would involve using much of the society's 
funds. Training was therefore generally seen as potentially useful by most 
office-holders, although the question of who should receive training and the 
sponsoring of this appeared uncertain.
60 N P Hall 
Contributions and Benefits 
Contributions 
All burial societies charge a joining fee, followed by monthly subscriptions. 
Usually the male member of a family will join and this will entitle him to 
various benefits in the event of sickness or death for himself and the family 
members. Where women are the heads of households and subscription-paying 
members in their own right, they are usually charged a reduced fee for 
membership. The charges are the following: 
{a) Joining fee -Joining fees for the disparate group ranged from $3 to $15. 
The average payment was $10. In contrast the Zimbabwean group charged 
higher joining fees ranging from $15 to $50. The average payment was $25. 
The reason for this anomaly is uncertain but may have to do with the more 
recent formation of the Zimbabwean societies and hence higher 'inflation' 
payments, or may have to do with a possibly higher economic bracket of 
Zimbabwean members. The joining fee generally appeared to be the same for 
both men and women, although one society indicated a lower fee for female 
members. 
(b) Monthly subscriptions— Monthly subscriptions for the disparate group 
ranged from $ 1.50 - $3.30 with an average payment of $2.20 (for men). The 
Zimbabwean group ranged from payments varying from $2,00 - $3,00 with a 
slightly higher average payment of $2,70 per month (for men). Women were 
charged lower subscription payments (usually of 50c or $1), reducing in two 
cases for the disparate group to 50c per month. Most societies also charge 
additional contributions for the annual Christmas party, usually ranging 
from $2-$5. 
(c) Withdrawal of contributions - I n the event of termination of membership 
some societies will allow a withdrawal of the contributions. None of the 
societies offered a full refund of contributions, but 14 societies (64%) did offer 
a partial refund. Eight societies (36%), indicated that no refund was available 
under any circumstances and two of these stressed that it was very rare for 
people to terminate membership. 
Experience of Financial Difficulties 
This question asked office-holders whether their society had experienced any 
financial difficulties in the past. In response to this question nine societies 
(41%) indicated that they had experienced some difficulties in the past, while 
13 (59%) had not. The disparate group appeared to have had more difficulty
Self-Reliance in Practice 61 
with 55% (six societies) of that sample, while the local group presented as 
27% (three societies) of that sample. Difficulties that were specified included: 
(a) insufficient funds - the problem mentioned here was that some members 
failed to pay their monthly subscriptions (two societies, disparate group); 
(b) maladministration of funds - the problems indicated here varied from 
fraud to poor administration by the treasurers. This problem presented as 
a current difficulty, with two societies indicating that this had now been 
resolved. 
Direct benefits 
There was no significant difference between the two sample groups 
regarding the amount of benefit payable in the event of death. All groups 
provided similar benefits in the event of death of a member or of his wife. 
These benefits consisted of a lump-sum cash payment in addition to the 
provision of other benefits relating to the funeral and mourning process 
generally. This cash payment ranged with all societies from $300 - $600 with 
an average payment of $400. With regard to the death of a member's child, the 
cash payment ranged from $200 - $450, with an average payment of $30O. 
Most societies limited their payments to the immediate family, but five 
societies indicated that they also gave a small sum of $4 in the event of a 
parent's death, with some societies also providing a coffin. 
In the event of funerals, all societies provided transport to enable mourners 
to attend the ceremony. This would be in the form of hired buses with the 
addition of the provision of a funeral director's hearse to transport the coffin. 
Some criticism was expressed at the level of hiring charges of both buses and 
hearse. All societies catered for the major expenses associated with the funeral 
arrangements. This consisted of provision of a coffin, food for the mourners 
and fuelwood to enable cooking to take place. Provision of groceries, drink and 
other necessary items were also provided. The grave site itself would already 
have been purchased by the society and arrangements undertaken to ensure a 
respectable and decent burial. 
These arrangements are undertaken in respect of persons buried within an 
urban context. With regard to members who wish to be buried in the communal 
lands, the usual practice is to provide the 'equivalent' of an urban burial. This 
means that the society usually purchases the coffin and then gives an 
equivalent cash sum to the family to enable them to make their own
62 N P Hall 
arrangements for the burial. This would be expected to cover the costs of 
transport, food and fuel and the sum of $50 was mentioned by one society. 
Two societies differed from this general practice -one of the disparate group 
stated that it was a condition that the person be buried in town, while one of the 
local group stated that it was conditional on membership that the person be 
buried in the communal lands. 
'Secondary' benefits 
In addition to the primary benefits associated with death and burial, the 
societies indicated that they offer further benefits of membership. The 
following activities and services were mentioned: regular drinking sessions, 
singing in choirs, Christmas party, traditional dancing, payment of hospital 
fees in the event of sickness, costs of visiting hospital and support of family, 
provision of a bag of mealie-meal to deceased member's family, repatriation 
expenses to Malawi or Zambia, holding of 'braais'. 
Members were asked whether in the event of an illness or death in their 
family, they had received 'comfort and emotional support' from the burial 
society. The responses indicated that the majority had received such support 
from their societies and mainly identified help of a practical nature, such as 
cleaning the house or taking over responsibility for chores to allow them time to 
deal with their problems. In certain cases following a bereavement, another 
society member would stay with the family concerned to offer practical and 
emotional support. Women are mostly involved in this 'comforting' and the 
practical duties are intended to take some of the strain from the family and help 
'cheer' them up. 
Assistance to Non-Members 
In response to the question whether the societies assisted anyone who was not 
a member, all societies responded in the negative. One society office-holder 
summed up the prevalent view on this matter, pointing out that "we are 
accountable to those who sponsor us through subscription".
Self-Reliance in Practice 63 
Community role 
Self-reliant nature of burial societies 
The societies' office-holders were asked whether they felt that burial societies 
supported the idea of self-reliance. Nineteen societies (86%) responded 
affirmatively, many stressing that the self-reliant nature of their organisations 
stemmed from the fact that they were 'united' and independent'. The fact that 
the organisations developed from the initiative of their members was given as 
further evidence of self-reliance. Several office-holders added that although 
they considered that their societies were self-reliant, they would prefer more 
resources to enable them to venture into other areas. The three societies which 
responded negatively were from the disparate group, but gave no reasons for 
this view. 
Extension of role of burial society 
Office-holders were asked whether they felt that the role of burial societies 
should be extended in terms of social or community development (projects). 
Examples provided in the question were of co-operatives, education for 
members and employment prospects. In response to this question, 18 officeholders 
(82%), responded affirmatively. The four office-holders who responded 
negatively were from the disparate group. 
Those in favour mainly mentioned co-operatives as a possible area for 
extension'and indicated that this would provide a source of employment and 
income-generation for members. Five societies stressed that they would need 
technical back-up, resources and advice to succeed, but felt if these were 
available then burial societies could venture into this area. One society 
suggested the development of an agricultural co-operative which would 
provide employment opportunities, while another suggested developing incomegenerating 
projects, although the actual type was not specified. Several pointed 
out that burial societies were ideally suited for co-operativisation as they had 
developed a unity of purpose and had the necessary structure and organisation. 
The reactions in favour of developing new ventures were therefore generally 
enthusiastic, although many did recognise the need for advice, support and 
resources if they were to extend their service in this way. 
Ordinary members of the societies were less definite in their response to this 
issue. Opinion was divided with 27 members (56%) indicating a positive 
response and 21 members (44%) indicating a negative response. Those who
64 NPHall 
felt the societies should become involved in new areas mainly suggested the 
formation of co-operatives, although other areas mentioned were incomegenerating 
employment projects, projects to benefit the 'community' (unspecified) 
and helping members with educational fees. One member noted that 
"most of our members are unemployed, so there could be scope for employment 
and self-reliance". Several felt that 'dynamic' and 'self-help' goals should 
be encouraged and that societies are experienced in 'collaboration' and 
working together in a spirit of enterprise. 
Some members took a more cautious view, one indicating that he would 
only be in favour if "we are given the right opportunities", while another 
suggested that if the society wished to extend its role, there should be a 
separate subscription for this purpose. Others felt that the societies should not 
become involved in non-burial matters as this was not their purpose or 
function. The society office-holders who were against this idea indicated that 
burial societies were set up for the particular purpose of assisting members 
with burials and not for any other. The anxiety was also expressed that cooperatives 
would tie up the societies' money and they would then be unable to 
fulfill burial needs. One society expressed the fear that some members would 
embezzle funds if their operations were extended. 
Government assistance with burials 
This question asked office-holders whether they considered that the Government 
should help people more with problems relating to burial and death. 
Examples given in the question included national insurance policies and more 
financial aid to burial societies. There were mixed responses to this issue. 
Generally the disparate societies felt that Government should be doing more 
(eight societies or 73% of disparate sample), while the Zimbabwean societies 
responded the other way with an equivalent proportion. The responses in 
favour stressed the idea that the Government is the responsible authority and 
should do more, particularly in the area of ensuring decent burials for paupers 
and destitutes. The question was generally interpreted here as Government 
doing more for those who do not belong to burial societies. 
The group that felt Government should not assist more emphasised that the 
Government has many urgent problems to deal with and that individuals 
should help themselves by forming burial societies. Other comments stressed 
the self-help philosophy and the importance of initiative.
Self-Reliance in Practice 65 
Members generally felt that the Government should help more in this area 
(28 members or 61% of sample). Again many responses suggested that the 
Government should only help the destitute and that others should be 
encouraged to join burial societies so as to remove a burden from the 
Government. While these responses stressed the value of self-reliance, other 
members felt that some financial aid should be given to the societies as well as 
this would enable them to further extend their services into the community. 
One member suggested that the Government should help old people who are 
not working and who are unable to afford burial society subscriptions, by 
paying these subscriptions for them. Another response, while recommending 
that the Government should help more, suggested that it was premature at the 
moment for Government to take on responsibilities in this area. 
Government guidelines for burial societies 
This question asked office-holders whether they considered that the government 
should produce an overall policy or guidelines to regulate the activities of 
burial societies. The overwhelming majority of office-holders from the 
disparate societies (ten societies or 91 % of that sample) indicated a preference 
for an overall policy to regulate and guide societies, while four societies (36% 
of the sample) also indicated this preference. Overall 14 societies (64% 
of the total sample) felt there should be an overall policy. The main reason 
given for developing such a policy was that control and co-ordination of 
activities would give burial societies protection as a group and particularly 
protection against 'unscrupulous leaders'. Other reasons given were that this 
would enable regulation of activities such as control of hire charges (of 
community halls, buses etc) and costs charged by funeral parlours. It was felt 
that burial societies would develop more 'muscle' as a group and they would be 
in a better negotiating position. This would also help to avoid confusion and 
disparities and ensure 'clean operations'. 
The majority response of the members was in favour of regulation by 
government (33 members or 69% of sample). The main reason advanced for 
this stressed the need to protect the societies from exploitation from 
unscrupulous funeral parlours and undertakers. Linked to this was the issue of 
high transport costs which members felt unfairly discriminated against them. 
On the other hand 14 members (30%) were not in favour of such regulation. 
Many of these felt that government regulation was tantamount to interference 
in their affairs. One member felt that if guidelines were set, then some burial 
societies would not be able to meet them and this would obviously create 
difficulties for them. Another felt that it was still too early to be considering
66 NPHall 
this, while yet another view was expressed as "we feel we are doing 
alright". 
Formation of a national steering body 
Office-holders were asked their opinion on the formation of a national steering 
body on the part of all burial societies, which could ensure regulation and 
monitoring of their activities on the one hand, but also co-ordination and 
representation of their interests on the other. The majority of societies from 
both sample groups indicated that they felt either 'positive' or 'very positive' on 
the suggestion of a national steering body (12 societies or 55% of the total 
sample). Six societies (27%) indicated ambivalence and four societies (18%) 
gave a negative response. The majority of members indicated a 'positive' or 
'very positive' response to this question (25 members or 5 3% of sample), while 
nine (19%) indicated a 'negative' or 'very negative' response. The remainder 
expressed uncertainty over the issue. There was therefore generally a response 
in favour of establishing a body which could look after the interests of societies 
and provide a forum to negotiate with government and other agencies. Many of 
the reasons given either in support or against this idea were similar to those 
expressed in the previous question. 
Co-operation between burial societies 
Office-holders were asked whether their societies co-operated with other 
societies in their area and in what particular ways. The responses were roughly 
equal, with ten societies (45%) responding that there was co-operation and 
twelve (55%) replying in the negative. In all cases where the answer was 
positive, the office-holders indicated that assistance is rendered (and received) 
at times of funerals when societies will either actively join in mourning at the 
funeral itself or will offer financial help — which presumably would be 
reciprocated at a later date. Other areas of co-operation included that of 
'entertainment' when other society members would be invited to some event, 
and generally 'in cases or problems'.
Self-Reliance in Practice 67 
Conclusion 
General 
In establishing the preponderance and extent of the use of burial societies in 
Harare, a total of 134 societies were identified in the high density suburbs 
(excluding Chitungwiza), of which 97 are likely to be operating at the present 
time. This figure should only be considered as tentative and it is likely that an 
even higher figure could be assured given a more rigorous search through the 
suburbs. This wide membership, the number of societies in the high density 
areas, the continuity of the societies over a long period of time and their 
seeming popularity all point to the likelihood that they do indeed serve a very 
real need for many thousands of their members. The importance of burial in 
African society should not be underestimated, particularly with the need to 
appease ancestral spirits and to carry out the procedural aspects of burial in a 
correct and dignified way. The number of mourners at a funeral, the provision 
of cooked food, organisation of transport and funeral director's cars are seen as 
important in maintaining the status of both the family and the deceased. In this 
respect the purposive role of burial societies in offering not only a practical and 
functional service, but a service which caters also for the psychological, social 
and even spiritual needs of members is acknowledged. A further example of 
this is the service the societies offer to members in terms of maintaining their 
contact with those of a 'home boy' network in both the urban and rural context, 
assuring a degree of continuity in a rapidly changing world. 
The satisfaction of needs can therefore be seen in terms of those that are 
'manifest' or direct and practical, such as the financial security and practical 
arrangments which insure against death and illness, and the 'latent' or indirect 
and personal, such as the sense of 'belonging' and social identity afforded by 
membership. The fact that burial societies are able to deal with both these 
areas of human need is perhaps one major reason for their apparent success. 
Other factors which may be responsible for the success of the societies 
include the relative homogeneity of membership, the fact that there are 
recognised and acknowledged leaders who are deeply respected, while at the 
same time a relatively wide participation in the committee structures, ensuring 
a measure of 'democratic' input. The fact that members are expected to 
contribute regular subscriptions, are themselves involved in the activities and 
operations of the societies and valued for the dignity and respect their presence 
at funerals confers on both deceased and family, may all be additional factors 
ensuring commitment to the societies. Sanctions also appear to operate as 
motivational forces as strong group pressure on members and financial
68 NPHall 
penalties in the event of termination of membership are likely to act as incentive; 
towards ensuring continuity of membership. It may therefore be of interests 
consider factors similar to these when considering the relative success oi 
failure of other new groups being formed for self-help or developmenta 
purposes. 
Specific 
The disparate group indicated the importance of maintaining tribal and 
national contacts, albeit from particular regions within those countries. In 
some cases the leadership positions were reserved for those of a particular 
nationality. This group presented as far more committed to an urban way of 
life, due probably to their distance from 'home', their length of residence away 
and the fact that they had little or no contact with their countries of origin. 
Although in many cases the membership of these societies consisted of fellow 
nationals, several stated that they had no objections to local Zimbabwean 
membership and indeed a degree of 'acculturation' had taken place. The 
Zimbabwean sample presented primarily on the basis of maintenance of 
contacts on a regional and district level and the vast majority of members 
appeared very committed to their rural homes. Maintenance of the 'home boy' 
ties of both groupings presented as an important factor - with the disparate 
sample this social network appeared mainly of the urban 'home boy' variety 
while the Zimbabwean sample presented more as a rural 'home boy' network. 
The disparate groups had generally been in existence for a longer period 
than the local groups and perhaps consequently had a much larger membership 
in each society (generally over 100) whereas the local groups tended to have a 
membership of under 100. While no data was collected on the assets of the 
societies, it can be assumed that, in some cases, this may be quite extensive 
and certainly there are many societies with branches in several of the high 
density suburbs. The Zimbabwean societies appear to charge more for 
membership than those of disparate origin, but generally the benefits of both 
groups are similar and are of a fairly substantial nature for their members. 
While the main benefit derived from membership of a society appears to be 
financial and is a form of insurance, there are other benefits which are regarded 
as significant by the members. As previously mentioned, maintenance of the 
'home boy' network - whether of an urban or rural nature - is seen as 
important, although with most members this was a secondary motivation for 
joining the society. Similarly, the sense of 'group belonging' resulting from 
membership is seen as an advantage. The entertainment and social activities
Self-Reliance in Practice 69 
provided by the societies is also seen as important, although less so than the 
other motivating factors. 
Burial societies are seen by their members to be very supportive in the event 
of illness and death and practical assistance is usually provided to the 
bereaved to help them through the trauma. As the majority of members do have 
family responsibilities, this help is obviously very useful. Burial societies do 
generally appear successful in maintaining their membership over time and 
receive a high level of commitment from members. While some of the reasons 
for this have already been mentioned, sanctions may also have their part to 
play in terms of the financial penalties levied in the event of termination of 
membership as well as group pressure to continue with membership. 
Many burial societies do appear to have experienced financial difficulties 
due to insufficent funds and maladministration of funds. As a result some of 
those surveyed expressed caution at the idea of their societies becoming 
involved in developmental areas such as co-operatives. In spite of this 
drawback, the overwhelming majority of office-holders expressed the view 
that the societies should perhaps extend their role to include co-operatives or 
income generating projects. Members generally held a more cautious view, 
although a majority still felt their societies should become engaged in such 
projects. 
Most burial societies elected executive committee members annually, while 
others held less frequent elections or only 'when the need arises'. While 
members expressed satisfaction with the management of their societies, the 
office-holders proved more circumspect with a majority indicating that some 
form of training for office-holders would be desirable. This mainly concerned 
financial administration of the societies such as accounting and book-keeping 
skills. 
Members and office-holders of the burial societies were mainly in favour of 
the government producing an overall policy or guidelines regulating the 
activity of the societies. This it was felt would provide the control and coordination 
which could protect societies against those who wished to exploit 
them - both from within (eg leaders) and without (eg unscrupulous undertakers). 
Proper regulation could increase the public's confidence in the societies and 
hence lead to an increase in membership. While formal regulation might 
provide these benefits there was some concern that this could make the 
societies vulnerable to political or economic manipulation. Responses were 
mixed regarding increased government assistance in the area of death and 
burial. Generally those in favour of the government taking more initiative felt
70 N P Hall 
this should be restricted to the destitute and paupers and that people should 
encouraged to join burial societies as a form of self-reliance. While it w 
therefore recognised that help was needed - particularly for those unable 
afford burial society subscriptions - the society members and office-hold* 
demonstrated a strong streak of individualism, a desire for self-help and a wi 
to avoid interference in their affairs. 
Attitudes to the formation of a national steering body set up and run by tl 
societies themselves where positive. It was considered that a body of tl 
nature could be responsible for the interests of burial societies and provide 
forum to negotiate with Government and other agencies. The advantages ai 
disadvantages of such a body were seen in a similar light to the question 
government regulation of the societies - ie either as protection of, < 
interference in, their affairs. Responses to the schedule indicated th 
approximately half of societies already did co-operate in some way with oth 
societies including the lending of 'mourners' to funeral and financial assistani 
at times. 
Several areas of concern to both members and office-holders were identify 
in the course of this study. In particular the charges made by undertakers, tl 
City Council and local transporters were criticised to being too high. Tl 
societies felt that they should receive discounts and preferential treatment dv 
to the volume of their 'trade' with these organisations, but insisted that they fe 
helpless and exploited by them. Employers were also criticised for failing 1 
recognise that burial society members needed time off work to attend funera 
and it was suggested that the Government should step in with regulations 1 
ensure that this is possible. 
Others felt that burial societies should be given more publicity and their rol 
should be sanctioned and recognised as worthwhile. Encouragement coul 
then be given to enable people to join societies and become self-relian 
Facilities could also be provided (such as 'sheds' in order to hold meeting! 
which would assist the societies and remove some of the burdensome chargj 
from them. 
Recommendations 
1. It would seem that burial society office-holders - in particular the treasure] 
of the societies - could benefit from a period of training in accounting an 
bookkeeping skills and indeed most said they would welcome such trainin] 
This would hopefully reduce inefficiency and maladministration of funds an
Self-Reliance in Practice 71 
increase competence in this area. It is unclear where such training would come 
from, but perhaps sponsorship of some form could be arranged through 
Government, an NGO or private voluntary organisation to enable interested 
committee members to attend sessions. 
2. Many office-holders and members expressed an interest in developing cooperative 
ventures or income-generating projects, although this idea was 
initiated by the interview schedules. The hierarchical structures of burial 
societies might create problems as far as some co-operative ventures are 
concerned, yet, as noted in the conclusion, some of the organisational aspects 
of the societies could facilitate this development. Their fulfilment of valid and 
felt needs, their homogeneity and continuity of membership, the recognition 
and respect given to acknowledged leaders while at the same time ensuring a 
participatory approach to members, are all factors which seem to contribute to 
their success as organisations. As mentioned previously, other groups with 
self-help and mutual aid ambitions could learn from the relative success of 
burial societies. It is worth noting that some burial societies in Bulawayo have 
taken the initiative in the direction of self-reliance by developing a co-operative 
funeral parlour service, which offers a co-operative transport and undertaking 
service to members. This would seem the logical step forward for burial 
societies, particularly as they would be involved in an area familiar to them and 
of immediate service to their members. This could also deal with the problem 
of exploitation and excessive charges levied by bus operators and undertaking 
companies. Advice, assistance and training in the management, administration 
and running of such an enterprise could perhaps be available through the 
Department of Co-operatives. Alternatively, if the co-operative model was not 
considered appropriate, training courses through SEDCO( Small Enterprise 
Development Corporation) might be a possibility. 
The development of other co-operative enterprises or income-generating 
projects (ie other than those relating directly to servicing burials) could be 
considered, but at this stage may be premature. In order to retain the 
confidence of members it may be more appropriate for societies which wish to 
expand their activities to adopt a more cautious approach and perhaps attempt 
to deal with the particular difficulties faced by the increasing expense of burial 
itself first. Any moves to expand their role would in any case have to be 
carefully considered due to the mixed feelings of the membership towards such 
ventures. 
3. An organisation composed of burial societies (ie a national steering body) 
was a popular idea and this could be initiated by interested societies to 
safeguard their interests. As a first step it would seem sensible to attempt to
72 N P Hall 
document and register burial societies, perhaps initially in Harare or Bulawayo, 
and then extend this to cover other cities and towns in the country. This 
documentation would seem a necessary preliminary step to the formation of a 
national steering body. Presumably a working party or committe composed of 
active and influential burial society office-holders would be needed to 
undertake the spade-work involved. The advantages of such a steering body 
appear to have been recognised by a majority of the membership surveyed and 
this would seem an important step in developing a negotiating forum for the 
societies. There is no legal requirement for the societies to register their constitutions, 
or be approved at the present time, so the function of such a body 
would be on the level of a voluntary 'umbrella' association. The association 
would presumably act as a co-ordinator for the interests of the societies and 
represent these to Government and other involved parties. 
Footnotes 
1. The importance of the concept of 'home-boy' is well documented by P. Harries-Jones in 
Mitchell, J.C. (1969). He criticises previous research which indicated a schizoid picture of the 
urban migrant's social personality, with a rigid dichotomy between the urban and rural 'social 
fields'. He suggests, that the ties the migrant maintains with those people from his home village 
(ie extra-town ties) may interact and partially overlap with ties which are developed in town (ie 
within-town ties). A similarity may be seen here in the function played by burial societies in the 
urban context of Harare. Firstly it appears that both the 'urban' and 'rural' home-boy network 
is maintained by many burial societies and that these ties are seen as very important to the 
identity of the societies. The urban or 'within-town' ties are particularly important to those 
societies whose origin can be traced outside this country and where there is a consequent need 
to maintain ethnic and district ties in the urban setting. Indeed the cohesion, longevity and 
stable committee structures of these societies point to the success they have had in terms of the 
continuity of these relationships. As far as the indigenous Zimbabwean societies are 
concerned, there is evidence to show that the 'rural' or 'extra-town' ties are of more 
significance generally where members have a series of rights and obligations in their rural 
homes and are less permanently urbanised. Membership of societies in these circumstances is 
likely to be based on district (rural) home-boy ties. 
2. British South Africa Government Minute No. S1/127/23 from the Office of the Superintendent 
of Natives (18/2/23), National Archives of Zimbabwe. 
3. Ministry of Local Government and Housing, Salisbury, 'Analysis of Organisations: Highfield' 
(1970) p.89. 
References 
Cormack I R N (1983) Towards Self-Reliance: Urban Social Development in Zimbabwe, 
Mambo Press, Gweru. 
Harries-Jones P (1969) "'Home-boy' Ties and Political Organisation in a Copperbelt 
Township" in Mitchell, J C Social Networks in Urban Situations, Manchester University 
Press, Ch 8 p 297-364.
Self-Reliance in Practice 73 
Moller V (1975) Comparative Mobility and Urban Commitment in Three Salisbury.African 
Townships: Harare (Hostels), Mufakose and Kambuzuma, Report No 8, Department of 
Sociology, University of Rhodesia. 
Ndubiwa M M (1974) Bulawayo Municipal African Township, City of Bulawayo, Housing 
and Amenities Department. Occasional Paper No 2. 
Stopforth P (1977) Survey of Highfield African Township, Salisbury, University of Rhodesia, 
Department of Sociology, Occasional Paper No 6.