Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
Vulnerability across a life course: an empirical study: 
women and criminality in Botswana prisons 
TKELO MODIE-MOROKA1 
ABSTRACT 
The number of women in prison in Botswana has grown over the 
past ten years. This is due, in large part, to rising numbers of women 
offenders admitted to prison for property and drug-related offences. 
The purpose of the study presented here was to assess the relationship 
between their life events and the subsequent offending of 
incarcerated women. Data were collected through in-depth interviews 
with 80 women inmates at six prisons in Botswana in 1997. 
Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, 
respondents were asked about their backgrounds, criminal histories 
and relationships with significant others, together with the 
reasons for their current offending. Results show that women in 
prison are predominately poor, young and uneducated, who report 
high levels of victimization, substance abuse, familial disruption 
and high-risk behaviour and suffer from a host of physical and 
mental disorders. High rates of child and adult abuse, neglect and 
abandonment were also reported. These histories were strong 
predictors of poor physical and mental health. The findings of this 
study force us to examine the interplay of the cultural, ideological 
and structural factors affecting women's lives from a gender, class 
and relational analysis. This paper ends with a discussion on the 
findings of the study, under themes that emerged with specific 
reference to lifetime socialization for gender roles and the structural 
perspective of deprivation, stress, victimization and 
survivorship. 
1 Department of Social Work, University of Botswana 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOPIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 145
Introduction 
Over the past three decades Botswana has undergone a rapid process 
of socio-demographic growth, spatial transformation and socio-political 
change, resulting in a noticeable increase in overall crime rates. In 
Botswana news from the media, police records and law reports all show 
that women are becoming an increasing presence in the criminal justice 
system. Recent studies across the world show that men and women are 
most often arrested for quite similar offences. These are mainly property 
crimes. The most striking difference is the absolute level of men's and 
women's offending. Some studies, however, show that while factors in 
the development of "deviant behaviour" may not differ markedly for 
men and women, the latter's special circumstances, such as being victims 
of physical and sexual violence, poverty and single parenthood, low 
self-esteem and identity problems, make it necessary to see in women's 
crime a reaction to prolonged victimization and dispossession. 
Much of the literature on women offending has focused primarily on 
such issues as the reasons for the marginalization of women in the 
criminal justice system and reasons for the rapid increase in the number 
of female prisoners in recent decades (Naffine 1987; Pollock-Byrne 1990, 
Price and Sokoloff 1982). A number of studies have also focused on the 
lack of women-centred intervention programmes in women's prisons 
compared to men's (Chesney-Lind and Rodriguez 1983, Chesney-Und 
1986, Leonard 1983, Moss 1986,Resnick 1982, Vtellischetal. 1994). While 
this information is needed, it is also necessary to understand the 
characteristics of the women themselves. This paper, therefore presents 
findings on a study conducted on women and girls in six prisons in 
Botswana. The focus will be mainly on the socio-demographic 
characteristics of imprisoned women—their age, marital status, 
education, work history, the reasons for their imprisonment, their 
experiences of violence and their physical and mental health and their 
history of substance abuse. 
Women and criminality: an overview 
The involvement of women in crime is not new. The criminality of women 
has a long history but approaches to female criminality and imprisonment 
146 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
have been guided by stereotypical views of women's role in society. 
This has negatively influenced how women are perceived at different 
points in their involvement in crime and the treatment that they will 
receive. Theorists explaining female involvement in crime were first 
oriented towards women's sexuality and mental stability as their primary 
point of analysis. Recently, attention has focused on the way in which 
socioeconomic deprivation, formal control and victimization shape 
women's criminality. 
The overriding critique of conventional criminal studies has been 
that women have been relegated to the periphery and are almost invisible 
in all criminal literature. Girls have also been ignored as independent of 
the overall patterns of women's criminality (Giordano 1978, Giordano et 
al. 1999). While the causes of crime have been examined in criminological 
theory, little attempt has been made to explain the specifically female 
patterns of crime. The myth that the female experience was biologically 
determined and was not influenced by the environment was dominant 
in nineteenth century literature (Lombrosso 1911). Early theories of 
female criminality thus focused on supposed biological and 
physiological determinants of criminality and took for granted the inferior 
status of women (Lombroso and Fererro 1897, Freud 1933, Pollack 1950). 
Feminist research has set out to illuminate the female experience in 
ways that capture the role of patriarchy and the social exploitation of 
women and girls in relation to offending (Chesney-Lind 1997, Gilfus 
1987). 
Gender and crime in Botswana 
Female criminality is on the increase in Botswana, accounting for 15 per 
cent of all those arrested or accused and 10 per cent of all incarcerated 
prisoners (Moleboge 1998). Available data in Botswana show that 
women are increasingly involved in crime although the trend has 
remained small compared with men. The Police Annual Report (1992:2) 
observed: 
The number of people involving themselves in criminality showed 
a marked increase during the year under review as the police dealt 
with 789;840 people during the year under review. A majority of 
\IOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 147
the culprits are males even though females are beginning to show 
a sign of decay [sic] in that in 1991,6,145 females and 100 juvenile 
females were dealt with and in 1992, the figure rose to 7,295 and 
141 juvenile females. 
In 1994 women accounted for 14 per cent of property offences. The 
prison daily average for 1987 was 2382 males and 150 females. Statistics 
show that women commit crimes that are generally non-violent and 
non-aggressive. Offences involving violence against the person and 
theft have been among the major crime increases (Government of 
Botswana 1992). In 1998 women arrested for criminal activities had 
increased to 15 per cent (Moleboge, 1998:6).Of these, eighteen per cent 
of offences were drugs related, 24 per cent were for violating the Trade 
and Liquor Act and more than 10 per cent were property related. Drugrelated 
crimes have also increased. The most common drugs aredagga 
{Carmabis sativa), heroin, mandrax and cocaine in varying amounts. In 
1994 over 250,000 tablets of mandrax were seized, compared with 970 in 
1995. In 1995 468,721 kg of dagga was seized. Two years later about 
542,000 kg of dagga was intercepted by the immigration officials. 
Crimes against women and children are generally on the increase as 
well. Offences of rape registered an increase, with women as the most 
likely victims. The Police Annual Reports (Government of Botswana 
1995,1996,1997) reported that all crimes involving violence (murdei; 
grievous harm, unlawful wounding and assault as well as rape) have 
increased. Between 1986 and 1996 convictions for rape, defilement and 
indecent assault increased by 14 per cent. 
Official statistics show that the number of women involved in crime 
in Botswana has increased, although only 20 per cent or less end up in 
prison after conviction. Women account for 10-14 per cent of all 
convictions and, of these convictions, 80 per cent are diverted away 
from custody through fines, community service or warnings. While 
offences against property and persons rank as the first and second 
major offences for all, the third most frequent offence for women relates 
to public order, usually due to fights in public places such as bars and 
drinking spots (Moleboge 1998:6). For all convictions, about 60-70 per 
148 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
cent of men are likely to be fined compared with 75-85 per cent of 
women. 
Given this situation, women's participation in crime needs to be 
studied, in order to analyse and understand the factors that influence it. 
Daly and Chesney-Lind (1983) suggest that, in order to understand the 
factors leading women to crime, we need in-depth descriptive information 
on their life histories. The research was therefore intended to connect 
women's life stories to their participation in crime and explore how these 
experiences could have influenced their subsequent role in crime. 
Method 
Study design 
The study was approached from a feminist research standpoint and 
employed a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis of 80 
life history interviews with incarcerated women and girls in six prisons 
in Botswana. The exploratory phase was composed of an in-depth 
analysis of each woman's life experience. According to McQuaide and 
Ehrenreich (1998:236), 
Traditional, positivistic, psychometric and psychometric 
approaches have less value in studying this population [referring 
to women offenders], than do qualitative methods. Broad surveys, 
psychometric data,... even if they were more complete, cannot 
adequately capture the experience of women in prison. To 
understand these women and to design interventions to serve 
them, a more experience-near approach, which takes into account 
how a particular woman experiences her own unique life as well as 
how her shared experiences of gender, race and ethnicity and 
imprisonment affect her, is necessary 
The population studied was composed of women and girls in Serowe, 
Lobatse, Tsabong, Maun, Gaborone and Francistown Women's Prison 
in Botswana. Respondents were recruited from the inmate population. 
A list of women who are currently in prison was obtained from the 
Department of the Prison and from staff at the Women's Prisons. A 
simple random sampling method was used to minimize bias in 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 149
demographic characteristics and to manage the interviews. Informed 
consent was obtained from every respondent and all were assured of 
confidentiality and anonymity. Using the above sampling design, a 
sample of 80 women was selected for the first part of the study, which 
consisted mainly of demographic close-ended questions. The same 
sample of 80 women was recruited for the second phase of the study, 
which was qualitative and detailed in nature. 
Data collection procedures 
This was mostly a retrospective study, hence the use of intensive 
interviewing. An interview guide with probes was used to ensure that 
key topics were explored with each of the respondents. The guide was 
structured to probe the information on the questionnaire given by the 
respondents and to add new areas that the researcher and the women 
wanted to explore further. Interviews were completed by the author and 
six research assistants. The use of a feminist approach to interviewing 
is important in addressing issues of concern to women participants. 
The women's experiences were explored, while all the time ensuring that 
the research was for women. A questionnaire consisting of primarily 
closed-choice questions and open-ended questions was administered 
and the researchers recorded all the answers. An interview guide was 
designed to solicit information about the life histories of the women 
and girls, how they came to be in prison and how they planned to live 
after release. 
To facilitate the in-depth interviews, an interview guide was used to 
provide the structure for each interview. These guides were constructed 
to cover a broad spectrum of the women's lives in a development 
sequence to the present. The aspects of their well-being explored 
included their interpretation of the female sex role and the role in their 
lives of victimization, poverty, ethnicity, unemployment, illiteracy and 
the parent/daughter relationship. We asked participants to reflect on 
how these conditions could have encouraged or forced their behaviour 
in any given direction. Other aspects investigated included their 
satisfaction with their family composition, their history of alcohol and 
drug use, their relationships with friends and relatives, their own health 
150 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
and the health of other family members, the time available to them for 
themselves and for their family, their financial well-being, their work and 
the community where their family lives. The guides were both 
unstructured and spontaneous. 
Presentation of findings 
Biographical data 
Respondents ranged from the ages of 16 to 65 years with a mean age of 
30 and a median of 28. Most of the respondents were 20-35 years old. 
The peak ages for criminal involvement were 30-45 years. The age 
graph shows a decline in criminality as age advances. Respondents 
under the age of 25 were mostly incarcerated for infanticide, abortion, 
Table 1: Presentation of data by age, ethnicity. marital status. 
educational status and crime committed 
Age 
Mean =30.53 
Median age=28 
Standard deviation =9.98 
Age range 48 = (17-65) 
Skewness = 1.32 
Crime committed Frequency Percentage 
3.8% 
5.2% 
7.8% 
7.8% 
3
4
6
6 
18 
18 
22 
23.4% 
23.4% 
28.6% 
Assault/arson/ grievous harm 
Receiving stolen property 
Murder 
Immigration crimes (overstaying2) 
Possession of dagga 
Theft common/robbery 
Infanticide 
77 Total 100% 
2 Overstaying is when the specific number of days on a visa to stay in 
Botswana is exceeded. This was common with Zimbabwean women 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 151
Marital status 
Divorced 
Widowed 
Married 
5
5
7
7 
56 
80
1
6
7 
32 
34 
80 
Cohabiting 
Single 
Total: 
Educational status 
Adult education 
Form 5 
None 
Primary school 
Junior Certificate 
Total: 
Family financial situation 
Registered destitutes 9 
Middle class 14 
Parents worked hard (not so poor) 24 
Poor but not registered 33 
Total: 80 
Employment history* 
Homemaker {mosadi wa lelwapa) 7 
Never had formal employment 22 
Was formally employed 23 
"Piece jobs" (on and off) 35 
Total: 87 
Religion 
Roman Catholic 11 
None 12 
Protestant 14 
African Independent 43 
Total: 80 
NOTE: * Respondents answered more than one category in this section 
152 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 
100% 
11.3% 
17.5% 
30.0% 
41.3% 
100% 
13.8% 
15.1% 
17.5% 
53.8% 
100 
6.3% 
6.3% 
8.8% 
8.8% 
70.0% 
100% 
1.3% 
7.5% 
8.8% 
40.0% 
42.5%
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
stealing by servant (a majority of whom were domestic workers) and 
petty theft. The ages between 25 and 40 show crimes of all categories. 
All women above 50 years (except one who was incarcerated for use of 
insulting language) were in prison for possession of dagga. Table I 
summarizes the biographical data. 
Sentences ranged between three months (for use of insulting language) 
to 12 years (for possession of dagga). Crimes like murder and infanticide 
were mostly committed by people with no formal education (63 per 
cent) and who had a close family member who had a problem with 
alcohol and drugs. Crimes related to interpersonal disputes were mostly 
associated with alcohol use and these prisoners had little education, 
erratic jobs and unstable intimate relationships characterized by 
deception and unfaithfulness. 
These women also had family members and significant others with 
histories of criminality. Sixteen per cent had brothers, 5% had fathers, 
3% mothers and sisters and 2% husbands who had had a criminal 
conviction. Boyfriends accounted for 6% of all previous criminal 
convictions. Some husbands, male partners and mothers-in-law were in 
prison with the respondents, especially if the crime was possession of 
dagga. One woman, whose father had an extensive criminal history, 
shared her experience of how this could have affected her own life as 
well, 
My father literally lives in prison. He steals whenever he can find 
a chance. I think when they caught him for the first time he was in 
bis 30s. He used to get lesser sentences, but the customary courts 
realized that he was a serious thief, so they started increasing the 
sentences. Nowadays he is tried at the magistrate court. Right 
now, he is in prison again—he was arrested while I was also in 
prison. When we ask him why he is doing it, he tells us angrily 
that it is his way of making a living. We have never really lived 
with him. My mother brought us up on her own. 
It is possible that some women are introduced to crime by their relatives 
and male partners, such as husbands and boyfriends. A number of 
Batswana women stated that they had been recruited by other women, 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 153
especially from Zimbabwe, who had introduced them to the selling of 
dagga. This link needs further exploration in future research. 
Marital status of respondents 
About 26 per cent of the respondents came from a two-parent family 
where there was a father and mother. Six per cent had lived with stepparents. 
A majority were from single-parent families: their mothers had 
never married. Seven were from a family where there was more than one 
wife. Seventy per cent were single; 13 per cent were either divorced or 
widowed whilst nine per cent were cohabiting, mostly with the fathers 
of their children. Married women were in prison for possession ofdagga, 
arson or grievous harm. The rest had committed various other offences. 
Educational status of respondents 
Most respondents had some form of formal education. Eighty-two per 
cent had either primary education or had attempted junior certificate. 
Only six women in the sample had completed Form 5 with a third class, 
attained GCE or had failed. Some women could not go far in school 
either because they had failed or had dropped out due to a teenage 
pregnancy or for other reasons. Twenty per cent dropped out of school 
because they felt that they were poor performers and saw no reason for 
continuing. The reasons given for dropping out of school were 
pregnancy (18%) or lack of school fees, school uniform or fees for food. 
General poverty at home and a desire to leave school in order to help 
the family were mentioned by 30 per cent. They did not say that they 
needed special help in learning, but they did say that it was difficult to 
understand what was being taught at school. Only one woman had 
been through non-formal education. Seven women had never had formal 
education. 
About twenty-five per cent (N=20) of the respondents returned to 
adult education after dropping out compared to 55 per cent (N=55) who 
did not. Those who did return were most likely to attend secretarial, 
vocational, dressmaking and business-related courses. They stated that 
these courses did not help them to advance their economic status. Two 
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Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
of the women dropped out before completing vocational training due to 
yet another pregnancy. 
Women who described themselves as having come from "low-income 
families" stated that they faced institutional, social and economic 
constraints which contributed to their leaving school. They complained 
that during their school years, they found the school environment 
unfriendly and so they could not find and sustain good role models and 
relationships. Personal efficacy and self esteem and autonomy were 
compromised by relationships with boys, older men in the community 
and "rich" children in school. They left school after failing and never 
returned. This was before they even reached standard seven. Promises 
of marriage distracted them from school work and offered some kind of 
opportunity for an already detached girl student. Unfortunately, such 
marriages only brought more hardships. Now, almost 40 years later and 
in prison for selling dagga go ilshetsa (to earn a living), some of these 
women regretted the choices they made in leaving school for the sake 
of marriage. 
The women thought that they would have been less vulnerable if 
social workers or school guidance counsellors had been available to 
them at school, to make it safe to discuss issues of domestic violence, 
incest and sexual harassment, class stratification and the lack of living 
space (especially to study at home). One woman who left school after 
being punished for doing homework at home (despite the fact that her 
stepmother denied her access to the lamp), decided to drop out of 
school to avoid double punishment. Another woman also told of her 
experience of trying to explain to the teacher that boys had been touching 
her breasts, only to be beaten together with the boys "for enticing 
them". Often the recognition they got from teachers, male or female, 
was limited to being asked to go to the teacher's house to clean or cook. 
Employment and financial security 
Twenty eight per cent of the respondents had never been employed, 
whilst 44 per cent had worked erratically, mostly as domestic workers, 
retail workers or doing piece work jobs such as washing clothes for 
other people and, as they put it, for "unmarried men". Only 20 per cent 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 155
were in full-time employment at the time of their arrest. The salaries of 
these women ranged from P40 per month to P560 per month. Only one 
woman earned P1500 per month. Most earned between P80 and P120 
per month. About eight of the respondents described themselves as 
Mosadi wa lelwapa (a housewife or homemaker) and did not need to 
"work" because their husbands or male partners were "working". These 
were mostly women who were in prison for seWngdagga. Further, women 
felt that well-paying jobs for women in the community were not available 
and care work in the home limited their capacity to train or to get fulltime 
employment without support. For older women, the number of 
their dependent children, commonly referred to as "bana ba bana" (my 
children's children) limited their capacity to seek employment or to be 
self-employed, especially if the children were less than ten years of age. 
Eleven per cent of the women were from a family where either their 
mother or grandmother was registered under the destitute programme. 
Fourteen per cent stated that they were poor, but were not receiving 
any welfare benefit. Thirteen per cent said that their parents (especially 
their mother) "worked very hard for us" and so they were able to survive. 
Ctaildcare 
Only 15 per cent of the women had no children. Seventy per cent had 
between one and four children whilst 15 per cent had five or more 
children and 10 of them had their children with them in prison, either 
because they were born in prison or because there was nobody to take 
care of them outside. Sixteen per cent had had their first child when they 
were less than 17 years old. The peak age of childbearing was between 
the ages of 18-22, comprising 64 per cent of the total number of 
respondents. The rest had had their first child between the ages of 24 
and 30. After release, most women planned to take over the custody of 
their children who were, at the time, being cared for by their grandmother 
(39%), fathers (12.5%) and other relatives (9%). Among inmates with 
children, women had had contact with their children since admission to 
prison, regardless of the children's ages. Thirteen per cent had left their 
children with people who were not related to them when they were 
coming to prison. One child was left with neighbours. Women described 
156 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modle-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
their children as the most important people in their lives, followedijy 
their mothers, husbands and boyfriends. Only two of the women 
mentioned brothers as important. 
Family background 
An estimated 60 per cent had grown up in a single-parent household 
with their mothers. An additional 13 per cent had lived in a household 
with neither parent present. Families were continuously subjected to 
the stress caused by minimal survival mechanisms and a failure to satisfy 
basic family requirements. Other family stressors were migration patterns 
(especially rural-urban migration when there was no source of income 
in the urban areas), which negatively affected cohesion in the family. 
Most families had between six and seven siblings (excluding the mother 
and other relatives), who lived in the home. The number of siblings in 
the family of origin ranged from one to 11. Seven respondents came 
from polygamous families and the mother was the second wife in all 
cases. 
All the respondents who had step-parents reported bad memories. 
Women who were in prison for infanticide directly blamed their stepparent 
relationships. These women talked of how they lacked the 
protection of their biological parents when they were physically abused 
by their step-parents and alcohol-abusing brothers. The term "his/her 
person"/ Motho wa gagwe) was frequently used to describe the "third 
person" in these relationships. Li most cases, the daughter felt that if 
mis "person" had not appeared on the scene, they would have lived 
more happily with their biological parents. Mothers were blamed 
constantly for preferring the relationship with their partner to that with 
their children. One woman related such an experience with her mother, 
My mother had a bad temper, which on many occasions she could 
not control. We did not understand why she was so angry with 
us. She would be angry if she felt that they we did not respect our 
stepfather—whom I, personally, did not like. Even now, I still hate 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 157
him. 1 had to maintain peace by all means and at all cost, especially 
to protect my siblings. 
The women described their stepmothers as possessive, insecure and 
unwilling to give up their fathers, especially during the early stages of 
their relationship. Because of the new relationship between their father 
and stepmother there was ongoing verbal and non-verbal conflict within 
the family about who was the final decision-maker. Respondents stated 
that they were unhappy with the way decisions were made in their 
families during their adolescent years. One such woman who was 
constantly rebelling against the orders of her stepfather stated, 
Setswana: Nna papa ga ke mo ke tshabe. Le ene motho wa gagwe 
ga ke mo tshabe. Re tlhola re omanye. Mme ke mmolelela gantsi 
gore ga akake a ntaola. Ha ke rata ga ke mmuise. O a Use le 
ene. 
English: I do not fear my father at all. I don't fear his person either. 
We have quarrelled on several occasions and in all instances, I 
told him that he cannot control me. At times, I can go on for a long 
time without talking to him. He knows this, too. 
The father's desire to control his daughter was resisted as the daughter 
actively sought to be independent of him and to make autonomous 
decisions. She hated the father's girlfriend. Respondents stated that 
their fathers had lost authority over them when they brought another 
woman home and wanted the children to respect her. When these fathers 
openly Haunted their sexual relationships in front of the children, at a 
time when the children had not got over the loss of their mothers, the 
respondents experienced the same helplessness they had seen their 
mothers go through when alive. Some of these women appeared happy 
on the surface (as they described themselves), but one could also note 
that beneath the smile, lay deep-seated anger. On many occasions, they 
had contemplated harming the step-parent even though they had never 
had the will to complete the act. As a result, none of them was able to 
connect with the source and intensity of their anger and its possible 
future implications. In cases where the mother had died, the daughters 
158 JOURNAL OV SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
felt that their father had never loved their mother, especially when the 
widower gave himself a perfunctory period of mourning after the mother's 
death. These daughters rebelled, not because the fathers' orders did 
not carry weight, but possibly because the father was seen to be breaking 
societal rules himself. They saw the father as colluding with hisper.wn 
to erase the memory of their mother: 
I grew up living with my father and my stepmother. My stepmother 
used to beat me very often. I had to do all the housework while my 
step-siblings were just sitting and not doing anything. Though 
my father was aware of what was going on, he never did anything 
to protect me. My father had told me that my mother had died. It 
was only after I had my first child that my grandmother told me 
that my mother was alive. My stepmother used to beat me and I 
ended up moving out to stay with my grandmother. When my 
grandmother died, I had to go back to my father and stepmother. 
Later I traced my mother and went back to stay with the family. 
Here I also faced problems since my mother was abusing alcohol. 
Another woman detailed the trauma of living with a stepmother who 
made life so difficult for her that she ran away from home, 
We were expected to wake up early in the morning and go and 
fetch water before school. We were not allowed to eat breakfast. 
This happened before I was 10 years old. There was no food 
provided at school so we would go hungry. In winter, we would 
have no warm clothing and we always had chapped feet and 
shivered all the time in winter. After school, we were expected to 
go to the fields and weed before we could eat. Unfortunately after 
weeding, we would find that the rest of the family had cooked but 
had eaten and then poured water in the pots so that we could 
cook for ourselves. We were also not allowed to bring homework 
home. Time after time, we were told that paraffin was expensive 
and if we needed it, we should follow our mother to get it. 
At one point, my stepmother burnt all my schoolbooks, but 
when I was asked about it at school, I lied and said that they had 
fallen into a fire. I was afraid if they asked her, she would ill-treat 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 159
me even more. I was beaten at school for negligence. Our school 
system allowed corporal punishment. Ultimately, I left school. My 
father and stepmother did not force me back into school. I thought 
they would—if they cared. 
Children from polygamous families 
As previously mentioned, seven women were from polygamous families 
and their mothers were second wives. Women felt that while polygamy 
may have been good for their fathers, it^xposed "the mothers"3 to 
rivalry with each other, especially when the second wife had little power. 
The first wife was seen as structurally placed to command most of the 
economic and social power in the household and she could use this to 
alienate and completely sideline the second wife. The situation was 
more tense where the first wife was not properly consulted about the 
coming of a second wife. Ultimately, the children of the second wife 
suffer most as the husband is sandwiched between the two women. 
The women blamed their fathers for colluding with the first wife to their 
disadvantage. Another woman, whose father had married two wives, 
described her experience as a child to asecond wife who wielded little 
power in the family: 
There was rivalry between the two mothers. Consequently, the 
first wife hated the children of the second wife and discriminated 
against us in a big way. For example, only children of the second 
mother would be sent on the many errands. We were encouraged 
to miss school and provided with reasons to tell the teachers. 
We would miss school during the ploughing season and when 
the goats and cattle had gone missing. Food was also distributed 
unevenly. They always got clothes and we would go to school 
with chapped feet {re phatlogile manga) during winter. We were 
always entrusted with harder jobs at home and scolded if we 
failed to perform them correctly. It looked as if my father loved the 
3 Children in a polygamous family may refer to all the women who are 
married to their father as " mother" irrespective of whether or not the 
relationship is biological 
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first wife more than my mother because he tolerated the treatment 
to which we were subjected. 
Polygamous customary marriages often inflict economic hardships on 
women and their children and sometimes the wife has little or no say in 
her husband's decisions to take another wife. This creates conflict in 
the family, violence and mental health problems. 
Parental divorce 
Parental divorce was a significant experience for these women. For 
women whose parents were divorced, the conflictual nature of the 
relationship between the two parents led to a divided self and a sense 
of powerlessness when they failed to unite two loved parents who 
could not get along. In most cases, the parent who had custody of the 
children saw no value in allowing continued contact between the other 
parent (especially if it was the father) and their children. The respondents 
shared stories of parents actively sabotaging visits and meetings and 
giving reasons why the child could not come, without consulting them 
first 
They were often intimidated into silence by an angry scene in the 
family that prevented them from enquiring about visits. They saw 
themselves as a symbol of the unity of their parents. As such, they 
found it difficult to divide themselves and ignore or prefer one parent 
over the other. In some families, rivalries between the two parents 
resulted in emotional trauma for the children who believed they were 
being used to fight the internal battles between one parent and the 
other. One woman told how her divided family led to her not knowing 
where to run to after she became pregnant, as both parties blamed each 
other "for spoiling the children" or for keeping the children "to yourself, 
as if they were yours alone". 
Loss and grief 
Loss of a parent or significant other often preceded criminal involvement, 
especially in cases of infanticide and the possession of dagga, when 
the breadwinner was no longer available. Twenty five per cent of the 
women had experienced die death of a close family member within less 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 161
than two years of their criminal involvement. These were mostly parents, 
boyfriends, children or siblings. The absence of positive role models in 
the home to assist these young women to identify and actualize their 
goals in life was another factor. A17-year-old girl in prison for infanticide 
told how her father's death brought misery upon their lives, especially 
since the mother's new partner "worked hard" to divert their mother's 
attention from them: 
After my father died my mother got into another relationship. 
This man moved into our compound. My mother did not take 
alcohol when my father was alive. She started doing so when she 
was having this relationship with this other man who was 
physically abusing everybody in the family with impunity. My 
mother could not stand up to him to defend us. This man hates me 
and often told me that I.thought I was the boss in the home. I 
became pregnant but my mother did not care in the least. During 
my eighth month, I begged my mother for support but got none. 
My grandmother stepped in and offered to support the baby and 
me. My mother-in-law4 had committed herself to caring for me. 
She came to see me two days after my discharge from the hospital 
but could not take me home, due to customary rules. I was starving 
and verbally taunted. My mother would not serve food for me. 
She said that I should go back to my boyfriend who had made me 
pregnant The way out of all this was to kill the baby. My stepfather 
then reported me. 
Another woman who lost her mother at a young age, shared her plight: 
It was painful not to have a mother when I was growing up. If I 
had one, she would have taken care of my child so that I could 
continue with school. When my aunt's daughter had a baby she 
went back to school because my aunt stayed at home with the 
baby. I felt bad. I had been forced to leave school because there 
was nobody to take care of my child. My sister and I went to 
4 Although she was not married to the father of her forthcoming child, 
because of the disconnection she was feeling at home, she sought an 
affiliation with her boyfriend's mother 
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school barefooted but my aunt could have bought us anything 
we needed if she wanted. She said that there was no point investing 
in us, because when we grew up we would desert her. 
Adolescence and the search for connection 
Adolescence was characterized by a series of agonizing separations 
and losses, which resulted in having no roots in any family, school or 
recreational structure. Some of the respondents reported crying and 
contemplating suicide, but not having the strength to carry it through; 
feeling alone and unloved and not as good as others, especially at 
school. This feeling was more likely to be shared by those respondents 
who were in prison for infanticide, abortion, concealing birth and the 
murder of a partner. Running away from home and seeking to identify 
with other girls in the community often precipitated the establishment 
of treasured new friendships with girls in similar positions. 
These new relationships came at a time when they were socially 
disconnected from the family, having been chased from home due to 
pregnancy, fleeing an abusive father and his first wife or homeless, 
seeking accommodation in urban areas. This was also a first step to 
their introduction to alcohol and sexual relationships. Unfortunately 
the presence of a boyfriend divided the friends' attention. When the 
boyfriend exerted power and control over them, the girls' friendships 
broke up. Betrayal was cited as a major reason for this break-up. It 
should be understood that these female friendships came at a time 
when the women in this study had a strong desire to give and receive 
warmth. Unfortunately, some of the friendships backfired or were tainted 
by chronic betrayals. The lack of trust for other woman is a common 
experience in a society where the opposite sex has not been kind to 
women. 
Girls and the authentic voice 
Interpersonal relationships defined their ability to create and sustain 
interpersonal relationships with other people. They stated that humour, 
sarcasm and scornful remarks about them in certain contexts led them 
to doubt their own voice and the authenticity of their decisions. A 17- 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 163
year-old girl in prison for infanticide, who had all die relevant information 
to make a decision about using contraceptives in a fragile relationship, 
found her voice completely eclipsed by an elder from the church she 
attended regularly. This man claimed that certain religious rituals were 
better contraceptives than the use of condoms or any "modern" method. 
She said: 
I was involved in a relationship with a man who belonged to our 
church (Zion Christian Church). He was okay most of the time 
except when he would beat me when he found me talking to another 
man. When we started the relationship, he told me that his church 
prohibited the use of contraception and if we used any, we would 
be sinning. He said that for us to have sex before marriage is not 
even a sin because in God's eyes we are "almost" married. He also 
told me that he had performed a ritual "taela "5 so he did not make 
a women pregnant within a certain period. I believed him. 
When she finally listened to her own voice and realized that she had 
been deceived, she decided to get rid of the child. At this time, this girl 
had several younger siblings who she felt were more vulnerable than 
she was. She questioned her own preparedness to have children when 
she could not take care of her siblings, earning an erratic PI20 per 
month as a domestic worker. Her mother (who had been an unhappilymarried 
second wife in a polygamous marriage) had died due to 
alcohol-related liver cirrhosis. 
It is possible that during her relationship with the man, this young 
woman found her own viewpoint and judgement of events trivialized 
and this trivialization was based on the sense of power that emanates 
from the status of a church leader. Thus, she was temporarily alienated 
from her own sense of direction. 
Rawing away from home 
Fifteen per cent of the women had run away from home at some point in 
their lifetime due to family disruptions and fear of step-parents (both 
mother and father), but an overwhelming (81%, N=65)did not run away, 
Taela is a spiritual purification ceremony that is common in the Ziou 
Christum Church 
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because they felt that the welfare of their younger siblings would be 
adversely affected if they left. They could not entrust their siblings 
with anyone else. Running away usually started at the age of 13 and 
escalated at 18. These run-aways ended up with an equally abusive 
boyfriend who used their run-away history against them. 
Commercial sex work 
Most women denied having a history of commercial sex work. Only 5 
per cent admitted to having been sex workers and then only for a short 
period. Some, however, had multiple boyfriends who they met 
interchangeably and, according to them, mostly for financial gain. They 
relationships were described as "not emotionally involved". The women 
who were involved in commercial sex work were between 14 and 33 
years old. 
The transition to adulthood 
For some women the transition to adulthood was marked by an event 
such as the death of a parent, having to support herself and starting 
work outside the home, pregnancy or desertion by her husband. One 
woman stated that she first started perceiving herself as an adult at the 
age of 42. Seven of the respondents said that they had never supported 
themselves in their life. Interestingly, some women walked directly into 
a life of crime after being told by their parents to leave the home (because 
they "were old enough, or had "too many children" or were rebellious). 
Marriage 
Generally, the women entered marriage with a desire to settle down and 
have some security and stability in their lives. Some of these women 
were likely to have come from a disrupted family background. Some had 
also been chased away from the family home just prior to the marriage. 
Some state that they entered these marriages expecting to be rescued 
from past trauma. Nevertheless they found themselves doing most of 
the work in the new relationship and felt that their partners participating 
in the relationship in name only, often giving them the silent treatment. 
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Those who did not run away from home were faced with verbal threats 
and intimidation on a daily basis. 
The women said it was difficult for them to blend into their families of 
marriage. Mothers-in-law were described as especially difficult to live 
with. None of the married women had a positive relationship with her 
mother-in-law and sisters-in-law. They found themselves under the 
authority and control of their mother-in-law, especially when the husband 
had gone to the urban areas to work. There were times when money 
would be withheld from the wife, based on whether she was a "good 
wife" or not. This would bring further dependency to the woman and 
made it hard for her gain independence in the use of her money. Family 
disputes over non-support often discredited the woman's version of 
the story. Another development was the belief that the wife had come 
to divert money from the family to herself. When women sought 
independence from such tense situations they landed in other situations 
that were criminal. 
Passive-aggressive husbands 
Apart from one, all seven marriages were characterized by distress. 
Women complained that while they remained at home, supporting those 
who worked outside the home, the money that was earned never reached 
home. In addition, even where their husbands did not take other wives, 
they were generally unfaithful. This infidelity was tolerated by society 
and the wives simply had to put up with it. 
Some women did not leave their husbands and were in prison for 
grievous harm, with their victim usually being the "other woman". Six 
out of the seven married women complained that they had limited 
meaningful and affectionate relationships with their husbands. Most of 
their marital conversations were brief and focused primarily on the 
family's needs. This passive-aggressive behaviour resulted in these 
women pacifying their partners by responding with less resistance and 
making no demands, but covertly committing a crime (especially the 
possession of daggd) of which the husband was unaware. One woman 
from Zimbabwe in prison for possession of dagga told her story: 
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My husband did not support the family. He was supporting another 
woman. He rarely initiated any discussion with me, If I initiated 
one, he would be monosyllabic. Each time I asked him for money, 
he would beat me up and tell me to go back to Zimbabwe. When I 
met some sisters from home and they introduced me to dagga 
selling, I found it profitable. He did not know where I was getting 
the money. He also withdrew even further from supporting the 
family when he saw that I was able to make it without him. He is 
very angry with me for coming to prison. He refused to hire a 
lawyer for me, saying that it was all up to me. I should go and get 
a lawyer front Zimbabwe or ask those people who introduced me 
to dagga to hire a lawyer for me. He says that he is not part of it. 
It is unlikely that intimacy can exist in an atmosphere like this where 
inequality, powerlessness, dependency and lack of affection also 
abound. Unresponsiveness and a distanced interactive style in a 
relationship often stimulates a partner's anxiety about the security of a 
attachment. The central dilemma in these women's minds was why, in 
an intimate relationship, when one pursues connection and intimacy; 
the other pursues distance, emotional inhibition, silence and autonomy. 
Substance abuse history 
Personal use/abuse experience 
A significant number of women in the study had histories of substance 
abuse, especially alcohol, in their families of origin. Their drug-abuse 
histories started during adolescence and increased during their 30s. 
Mothers, brothers, fathers and boyfriends or husbands were more likely 
to use alcohol. About 43 per cent of the women said that their mothers 
either abused alcohol or were alcoholic. Twenty six per cent had brothers 
who were either abused alcohol or were alcoholic. Fathers accounted 
for 36 per cent of alcohol-abusing family members. Twenty-six of the 
respondents came from a home where there was ashabeen, often owned 
by the mother. A correlation of mother as alcohol abuser and mother as 
physical abuser was established (F= 4.177; R2= .051; p<.04). Alcohol 
abuse, however, explains only 5 per cent of the variance in physically 
abusive mothers. 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 167
None of the women admitted to using marijuana, cocaine or heroin. 
Thirty six per cent admitted to using alcohol regularly before 
incarceration. Three of the women described themselves as alcoholics, 
given the criteria presented. Alcohol use started at the age of 17 and 
continued over a lifetime. The peak age was between 23 and 40 and 
reasons were given for continuing alcohol use. The mostly cited reason 
was to "forget my problems", which can be interpreted as self-medication 
or numbing the effects of deprivation and victimization experienced. 
None had been referred for treatment for alcohol use or abuse. 
While these women complained of lack of food for the family, they 
claimed that they managed to get sponsorship for alcohol from friends 
with whom they network to sustain their habit. The source of money 
was retail work (14%, N=l 1), erratic jobs, including domestic work (35%) 
or a boyfriend (16%). Fourteen per cent had no other source of money 
except that obtained criminally (such as stealing, the possession and 
sale of dagga and receiving stolen property). 
Among women who had committed an offence under the influence 
of alcohol, the rate of abuse was highest for violent crimes (murder, 
infanticide and robbery) followed by arson and malicious damage to 
property and the use of insulting language. The influence of alcohol 
was lowest for fraud, the unlawful possession of dagga, theft of a 
motor vehicle and other property offences. Since drinking among women 
is considered a deviation from traditional Tswana female roles, a 
significant number of the women minimized their drinking habits and 
patterns. One woman, however, said that "she lives on alcohol," and 
her confession was as follows: 
I cannot live without drinking. Ke tanka! (I am a tank!). Actually, 
when I came here I used to shiver all the time. This happens when 
I have not taken alcohol. My mother, brother and sisters all have 
serious problems with alcohol. We all drink a lot at home. After 
drinking, there is usually fighting in the home. We just beat up 
each other randomly. It has been like this since I was born. My 
father and mother used to fight a lot I grew up drinking alcohol 
and I was introduced to it at an early age. It is like food to us. It is 
allowed. 
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Women who had lived in families where there was alcohol abuse could 
shed light about its possible effects on child welfare. One woman said 
how difficult it was to live with her alcohol-abusing mother: 
My mother used to frequent bars and come home later in the 
night. I was forced to take care of my younger siblings by providing 
for them. When she arrived home at night, she would ask for food 
even when she had not left any money behind. This put a lot of 
pressure on me. I started stealing money from the security box at 
work. 
Factors associated with living in a family where there was alcohol abuse 
were unpredictability, inconsistent parenting, an inability to protect or 
supervise children consistently because of drug use, unclear childadult 
boundaries and the strain of keeping the family secret about the 
alcohol-abusing parent. 
Relationships with drug-abusing men 
One significant concern that the women raised in relation to their 
substance abuse was their relationships with substance-abusing men 
(both of alcohol and marijuana). These relationships were characterized 
by physical and sexual violence, family and emotional withdrawal and 
economic insecurity. Some women talked about how their partners were 
never there for them, especially in times of crisis. These women were 
also at great risk for sexually-transmitted diseases, given the pattern of 
their lifestyle and that of their partners. Woman in such relationships 
could not complain about sexual unfaithfulness and if they did, they 
would be beaten or threatened with a termination of the relationship. 
Women told how difficult it was for them to negotiate for safe sex, 
especially when they knew that their partners were having sexual relations 
with other women. 
Another issue of great concern raised by the women was that they 
had to take over the overseer role in the family, while being constantly 
reminded that they were not head of the family. Carrying the weight of 
their families on their shoulders, both physically and emotionally and 
not being appreciated, was a big issue for most women in this study. 
They found themselves torn between taking care of the family and the 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 169
family power relations. They assumed the leadership role with guilt, 
having been socialized to expect their partners to take this role. In such 
a situation a woman lives like a single parent. Some women were also 
likely to conceal their partner's drug abuse history, especially to their 
relatives and other interested parties. The secrecy necessary to live 
with an alcohol-abusing and physically-abusing partner limited their 
options. Had these women sought help earlier, they would have been 
saved from ongoing physical and emotional abuse, which would have 
prevented them from committing certain crimes in the first place. This 
was particularly so with women who had killed their partners in selfdefence 
after many years of abuse. 
Physical and mental health problems 
Women complained of various health problems. Seventy five per cent 
stated that they had some form of physical or mental health problem. 
Twenty five per cent complained of other physical or mental health 
problems with some receiving treatment at local mental health facilities. 
None of the respondents who were receiving mental health services 
knew exactly what their conditions were and what factors contributed 
to them. Women also reported long-standing, untreated pelvic 
inflammatory disease, human papillomavirus (HPV) and chronic 
dysmenorrhoea. Some feared HIV/AIDS infection. 
Physical abuse was correlated with poor mental health (r= .32; .004). 
Multiple regression analysis also showed that the financial consequence 
of the family abuse and the mother's abuse of alcohol accounted for 16 
per cent of the variance in health problems (1^=163; F= 7.514; p<.001). 
Physical violence alone accounted for 10 per cent of the variance in 
health problems (1^= 103; F= 8.958; p< .004). The woman's financial 
situation was also the greatest predictor of health and mental health 
problems (beta= .328; p<. 002). The poorer the woman, the poorer her 
physical and mental health. Economic stress could, therefore, be a major 
psychosocial stressor for these women, contributing both to their poor 
health and their involvement in crime. Single parenthood also 
contributed to the stress in their lives. 
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The experience of violence 
The prevalence of past physical, sexual and emotional victimization by 
family members and intimates and the high proportion of drug and 
alcohol use by the women themselves, their parents or their male partners, 
are some of the factors signifying the distress present in women when 
they enter custody. Sixty-two per cent of the respondents stated that 
they had been subjected to ongoing physical abuse as they were 
growing up, especially by their step-parents, mothers, father's wives 
(in polygamous families), fathers and elder brothers. Most abuse 
occurred at home, more than once and the abuser was usually a family 
member. Girls who had been physically or sexually abused stated that 
the abuse typically occurred at home or in their neighbour's homes. 
Where there was a parental history of alcoholic drinking, this alone 
presented a high risk factor for current child physical abuse. 
From having been subjected to verbal, emotional and often physical 
abuse from their families of origin, the transition to adulthood also 
brought with it more victimization from lovers and husbands. Lovers 
were responsible for 61 per cent of all physical abuse, whilst husbands 
were the perpetrators in 14 per cent of physical abuse cases. In all, more 
than 75 women reported physical violence from intimate partners. Women 
who were in relationships with violent men said that rape, both in and 
out of these relationships, had been a major life experience for them. 
About 40 per cent reported that they had been raped by strangers 
(45%), lovers (9%, N=7), acquaintances (15%, N=12), male cousins and 
uncles (13%, N=10) and husbands (6%, N=5). Twenty-three women 
were raped either once or twice and eight women were raped between 
three and five times. 
Discussion 
The findings of this study force us to examine the interplay of the 
cultural, ideological and structural factors affecting women's lives from 
a gender, class and relational analysis. Issues of power and gender 
relations in the household, the process of socioeconomic development 
and the women's attempts to humanize their lives by networking with 
each other to cope with the increasing demands on them emerge vividly. 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 171
The characteristics of women in prison in Botswana match those 
provided in studies elsewhere in the world. Imprisoned women tend to 
be dispossessed and marginalized with little or no education or work 
experience and histories of personal and substance abuse and alcohol 
abuse. Women go into crime as a result of an insecure financial base 
and gender inequality at distributive and relational levels, unemployment 
and low literacy levels. Reliance on destitute rations or erratic domestic 
work for little pay limits positive aspirations for women and could be 
implicated in their lower expectations during adulthood. 
Desertions by male.partners after children are born (after what 
appeared to be an enduring relationship), parental loss through death, 
migrant labour and parental divorce are also critical to women's 
vulnerability. Growing up in an environment where there is spousal 
abuse, financial strain, alcohol abuse and few opportunities for survival 
create early vulnerabilities and deprivations in women. Women who 
find their way into the criminal justice system are more likely to be 
disconnected from support and sustaining procedures at the time of 
their arrest: when they are connected to networks in the community, 
they may be the sole support in the family or intimate relationship. This 
results in feelings of debilitation and fatigue, both physically and 
emotionally. 
At the theoretical level, Marxist or socialist feminists assert that 
women in prison are products of the class- and gender-based oppression 
they experience (Dalla Costa 1999,Dominelli 1989). Women are entangled 
in a capitalist mode of production, which is cultivated by the patriarchy. 
Women do not have access to the means of production and are exploited 
at every turn. Economic Marxist theory should therefore incorporate an 
understanding of the patriarchy as a system that is responsible for the 
reduced well-being of women throughout the world. 
Gendered power relations at both distributive and relational levels 
designed to benefit men and perpetuate the fulfilment of their needs at 
the expense of women and their children, are push factors in women's 
criminality. Their economic impoverishment results in inadequate 
nutrition, health care problems, lack of and inadequate housing, the 
persistence and maintenance of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy and 
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lack of, or poor, housing in the household. All these conditions create 
an unfortunate status for women, leading them further into a life of 
crime. The resources available to them determine whether a woman can 
maintain relationships materially and emotionally while staying out of 
crime. 
Female development and women's criminality 
According to developmental psychologists such as Freud (1938), 
Erikson (1963), Levinson (1978), Kohlberg (1984) and Mahler et al. (1975), 
individuals follow a particular, distinct life pattern and have to satisfy 
certain normative phases in life before proceeding to the next stage. 
Based on this study, I would argue that a woman's developmental life 
course does not necessarily take a hierarchical, unidirectional and 1 inear 
progression as suggested by such developmental psychologists. This 
perspective is influenced by the self in relation theory. 
The self in relation theory was propounded by Miller (1976,1982), 
Gilligan (1982) and Surrey (1991). This theory suggests that women 
organize themselves around relationships and the ethic of responsibility, 
care and nurturing others. Most psychologists shared the premise that 
separation, autonomy and differentiation are marks of a healthy adult. 
Connection, affiliation and mutuality were classified as childish traits. 
The self in relation theory was a departure from this standpoint and 
acknowledged the different path that women take in their construction 
and experience of the self. Women's development was seen as relational 
and connective, affirming the needs of the other, adapting their own 
needs to those of others and using their relational strength to enhance 
other people's well-being. 
In this study, women who were in relationships that were not 
connective and mutually satisfying found themselves de-selfing to retain 
these relationships and sacrificing and compromising their own values 
so that other people could benefit from encountering them. It is possible 
that socio-historical antecedents shape women's development and 
determine the direction, pace and tempo of their development. The ebb 
and flow of development is seasoned by the relationships in women's 
lives, but may also be halted, distorted and skewed by them. Experiences 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 173
of poverty, alcohol abuse, violence and abuse by the people these 
women love and trust, created disconnections in the flow of development 
and shaped their relational development in the direction of overfunctioning 
in order to win approval, assurance, love and peace. 
In cultures where women are not allowed to express themselves and 
experience adult status, their potential is limited, their voices are silenced 
and they become severely deprived. In order to understand women's 
criminality, we need to acknowledge the role of sociocultural factors in 
shaping expectations and we need to understand why women, if 
confronted by certain challenges, may have few options other than 
crime because of the psychological and material resources available to 
them at a given time. This lifetime of self-sacrifice and compromise is 
often a way of staying connected to people who matter to woman. This 
is exemplified in the illicit drug trade. The importance of relationships in 
women's lives and the fact that their criminal involvement came through 
their relationships with boyfriends, family members, employers and other 
colleagues confirm this theoretical base. 
The use of alcohol in itself signifies a reaction to the loss of a 
•elationship. It becomes a way of maintaining stability during a period 
in which one's sense of self is threatened. Alcohol may also be used to 
deny the pain of a distant, disconnected relationship when the woman 
is grappling to connect. In addition, women who are involved in crime 
have a history of over-involvement in either their parent's, boyfriend's 
or husband's life. This over-involvement is a way in which women seek 
external sources of fulfillment and identity. The success of the self is 
measured through making others succeed in whatever they are doing, 
even if this may result in a total loss of self. When relational skills (such 
as negotiation, compromise, persuasion or even intimidation) are seen 
as inadequate, the desire to reconnect with others may be exaggerated 
to the point of over-functioning. 
This is seen in women who sell drugs on behalf of their boyfriends and 
in-laws, only to be arrested and get higher sentences than the original 
wrongdoer. A mother's dreams for employment for her child may motivate 
her to receive stolen property. The socialization script available to 
women prepares them for a life in which they are more likely to be asked 
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to serve others than expected to serve themselves. Their subordinate 
status—in which they are attuned to other people's behaviour—makes 
them able to "read" problems and respond appropriately without being 
asked. In this way, women may know more about the needs of men and 
children than their own. 
Lack of affordable childcare services in the community also limits the 
full participation of women in the labour force. Older women take on the 
burden of care, in most cases without the support of either biological 
parent, who may leave the children with a grandmother, promising to 
find work in the urban areas, only to return expecting another baby. 
When promises are not fulfilled, women have to search for alternatives. 
The lack of money or opportunity to gain a sufficient income through 
legitimate means was cited by the women as a motivation for their 
offending. Dagga selling is one of those self-recruiting income 
opportunities that these women have found, but it is illegal. 
Future studies may help explore the following unanswered questions: 
For a woman who is connective and caring, to what extent does this 
ethic of care impact on her well-being? How costly to her physical, 
emotional and spiritual welfare is the ethic of care? How does a woman's 
need for intimacy clash with battling for physical and emotional survival? 
For women who were in prison for trying to save their marriages and 
other intimate relationships, what amount of anger is permitted to a 
person who is betrayed, given that she is socialized not to express 
anger? How should this anger be expressed? Who judges what is an 
appropriate feeling of anger? What is a "normal" women's reaction to 
betrayal, deprivation and humiliation? 
Victimization and survivorship 
Victimization and survivorship theories have just entered the debate of 
women's criminality via the women's movement. A significant number 
of the women in the study have experienced physical and sexual abuse 
during childhood, adolescent and adulthood. The range of this 
experience is considerable: some women have suffered single and/or 
minor episodes of abuse; others have suffered severe, prolonged and 
very damaging abuse across a lifetime. In adulthood, intimate 
VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 175
relationships were abusive and often exploitative. Several women 
reported experiencing tormenting flashbacks of specific incidents of 
violence. The women also said that they had developed a tendency 
towards "uncontrollable" anger, guarded and defensive posturing and 
self-isolation—a possible response to living in a tense environment 
where one's life is continuously at risk. 
In developing a theoretical framework for understanding how women 
victims of violence later become offenders, Gilfus (1987) argued that the 
victimization of women sets the pace for crime in women because of the 
survival strategies they use to numb the pain of their experiences. 
Women may participate in illegal drug work in order to support their 
partners, children and their own addictions. Gilfus (1992) also concluded 
that crime is the final product in a long process in which women are 
caught and cannot extract themselves. Women in crime are as much the 
perpetrators as they are the survivors of victimization. Battered women 
who are fearful of their spouse's reaction to a child's behaviour may 
also over-discipline them in an attempt to protect them from a greater 
danger from the batterer. This could explain why a majority of the physical 
abusers were mothers (35%; N= 28). 
Low-income survivors of violence were often placed at the risk of 
continuous victimization. This victimization further led to their 
entrapment within the walls of the criminal justice system. Women got 
involved in criminal activities as a resistance or response to victimization. 
Girls ended up in the criminal justice system as they ran away from 
violence either in the home (especially due to negative parental reaction 
to unplanned pregnancy), in boyfriends (who denied responsibility 
and threatened them if they disclosed their names) or at school (where 
they are expelled on pregnancy). 
Conclusion 
This study extends the risk factors model of background or social history 
analysis to the lives of incarcerated women. Their vulnerability to life 
situations is critical in understanding women's criminality. Unfortunately 
for these women, they had not developed protective factors such as 
176 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 18 NO 1 JANUARY 2003
Modie-Moroka/VULNERABILITY, WOMEN AND CRIMINALITY IN BOTSWANA 
resilience or a sense of control and mastery, which would have helped 
them overcome the consequences of the risks they encountered. 
Women in the study described themselves as "the support system" for 
other people but failed to see how this role entangled them to a point of 
bringing debilitating stress in their own lives. In most cases, they lacked 
a support system themselves. As a result, they had limited opportunities 
to benefit from positive feedback when a crisis sets in. Influences such 
as poverty, substance abuse, physical and sexual violence and 
witnessing violence, especially directed at their mothers were identified. 
Abuse disrupts a person's ability to make attachments, display selfcontrol 
and make moral and social judgments. 
For women, crime is in many ways an act of resistance to express 
their frustration and rebellion against inequality and subordination. 
Crime may also be a coping mechanism—a way of evading the violence 
and the unrealistic expectations and multiple roles that women are 
engaged in within their homes. The challenge is to chart a new and 
brave road towards understanding and dealing with women's criminality, 
using information about the various contributory factors that give rise 
to it, such as socioeconomic inequality, gender-based violence and the 
socialization of women and girls. 
As professionals interested in issues of women's criminality, we 
should be plugged to the realities of women's lives and engage in 
pragmatic political activism by directly developing feminist-informed 
theories and programmes that seek to empower women and open spaces 
for their voices to be heard and taken seriously. In order for women to 
achieve their own self-potential, development, peace and equity, social 
development-oriented programmes that are comprehensive, integrated 
and responsive are needed to change the direction and course of 
women's lives. It is intended that this study will serve as a springboard 
in the long debate towards addressing women's multiple needs. 
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