Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
Social security in Zimbabwe 
JOTHAM DHEMBA, P. GUMBO AND J. NYAMUSARA 
ABSTRACT 
This study of social security in Zimbabwe aimed to identify 
existing formal and non-formal social security systems and 
assess their viability and their potential for strengthening. Two 
non-formal social security schemes were selected for in-depth 
analysis in Phase II: these were the chief's granary (Zunde 
raMambo) and burial societies. Most people are covered by nonformal 
arrangements and the family and community still play a 
critical role in social protection even though poverty has impacted 
negatively on their ability to do this effectively. Churches are 
another source of social security. Semi-formal arrangements 
include burial societies, savings and credit clubs. Their viability 
is compromised by high levels of poverty in all areas but they 
could be strengthened through employment creation and the 
funding of specific community income-generation projects. 
Phase I: Overview 
Introduction 
ZIMBABWE HAS A FRAGMENTED social security system offering social 
insurance and social assistance as its mainstream schemes. These 
schemes provide rudimentary protection to a relatively small number 
of people in formal employment. Existing alongside the formal social 
security systems are non-formal systems consisting of traditional 
1 School of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare 
2 School of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, Harare 
3 Provincial Social Welfare Officer, Harare Province, Zimbabwe 
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security provision and semi-formal arrangements which attempt to 
compensate for the inaccessibility and inadequacy of formal ones. 
Social security in pre-Independence Zimbabwe 
In Zimbabwe, as is the case in most of Africa, collective responsibility, 
historically rooted in the extended family system, has always met the 
social security needs of individual members. However, with the advent 
of the colonial State and the introduction of a cash economy, traditional 
social support systems gradually weakened. The migration of 
able-bodied men from rural to urban areas in search of waged employment 
necessitated new arrangements for meeting social security needs. 
The exodus to urban areas depleted the countryside of much-needed 
labour and weakened a social security arrangement which was anchored 
on the land and the institution of the family. This exacerbated the 
underdevelopment of rural Zimbabwe and compromised the capacity 
of peasants, consisting mainly of women, children and older persons, 
to meet their social security needs. 
Formal social security in the early colonial era 
During the colonial era formal social security protection for the 
indigenous people was almost non-existent. This legacy still prevails. 
A major landmark in providing formal social security during the 
colonial era was the Old Age Pensions Act of 1936. This scheme 
provided old age pensions to non-Africans over 60 years only who 
had been resident in the country for 15 years or more Clarke (1977). 
Social assistance, also known as public assistance in Zimbabwe, was 
also mainly the preserve of white settlers. An insignificant number of 
urbanized blacks benefited from this scheme, in the form of bus 
warrants for repatriation to their rural homes. Ironically, the objective 
of the public assistance scheme at the time was "to relieve distress and 
to rehabilitate those permanently or temporarily disadvantaged" 
(Riddell 1981:172). Private occupational pensions were also a feature 
of social security in colonial Rhodesia and catered exclusively for 
white workers. According to the Whitsun Foundation study (1979), less 
than half the Africans in formal employment in 1976 were participants 
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in these programmes. Blacks were viewed as temporary migrants in 
urban areas who would relocate to their rural homes at the end of their 
working life. 
Thus during the colonial era the only meaningful social security 
schemes, that is, the Old Age Pensions Scheme, public assistance and 
occupational pensions, were designed and implemented to serve the 
interests of the white Settlers. Though a pensions scheme for agricultural 
workers was introduced by the Rhodesian National Farmers 
Union in October 1975 it had few beneficiaries. The pensionable age 
was set at 60 when life expectancy at the time was about 50. Not many 
indigenous workers, therefore, reached retirement age (Clarke 1977). 
The white settler government was motivated by the desire to attract 
and retain white immigrants by providing conditions and services 
comparable to those obtainable in Britain. But indigenous blacks were 
expected to take their own initiative or use traditional social support 
systems. This was in an environment where exposure to western 
institutions through industrialization and urbanization had undermined 
the capacity of the extended family to provide support to its members. 
Indigenous people were thus condemned to destitution. 
During this era there was therefore heavy reliance on non-formal 
social security systems. Indigenous people depended on the peasant 
economy, the extended family and community support for social 
protection. 
Social security systems after Independence 
At Independence the government of Zimbabwe endeavoured to address 
the discriminatory nature of existing formal social security prgrammes. 
Radical changes were effected in administering and implementing 
social insurance and public assistance. The administration of public 
assistance was decentralized to district level and offices were 
established in each,of the 57 districts in the country. Public assistance 
provisions were extended to most people, including those in rural 
areas. However, this public assistance scheme is seriously underfunded 
and most needy people fail to access benefits from it (Kaseke 
et al., 1998). 
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Government also introduced a Pensions and Other Benefits Scheme in 
October 1994. This is a social insurance scheme which is universal for 
formally-employed workers in the private sector. It was introduced 
owing to the realization that industrial workers were retiring to 
destitution. Coexisting with the Pensions and Other Benefits Scheme 
is the Workers' Compensation and Accident prevention scheme and 
private occupational pensions schemes. The government also runs a 
pension system for civil servants and politicians. 
Formal social security protection in Zimbabwe is inadequate and 
exclusive in coverage. It is still the preserve of those in formal 
employment. Most of the schemes are contributory and therefore most 
people lack the capacity to participate in them. Because of all this, nonformal 
systems have also become major institutions in providing social 
security. Such institutions include, to a limited extent, the extended 
family, mutual aid groups like burial societies, savings clubs and church 
groups. There are also community arrangements such as the chief's 
granary (the Zunde). Non-formal social security has become the only 
sources of security for most people in Southern Africa (von Benda- 
Beckmann and Kirsh 1999). 
Literature review 
One of the earliest studies on social security in Zimbabwe was by the 
Whitsun Foundation in 1979 which found that less than half the 
indigenous Africans in formal employment were catered for. A study 
in 1993 found that communal farmers in Mudzi and Mutoko districts 
in Zimbabwe lacked formal social security protection and relied on 
non-formal systems (Kaseke 1993). 
Most Zimbabweans, that is, the unemployed, communal farmers, 
domestic workers and informal sector operators do not have formal 
social security because they cannot afford contributory schemes. This 
is not merely a matter of economics. A number of countries in the 
developing world, including Jamaica, Egypt, the Philippines and 
Barbados, have extended limited protection to some sectors of the selfemployed 
population. In the Philippines, for example, coverage was 
extended to farmers and fisherman (Schultz 1992). The irregularity of 
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the incomes of the self-employed and the difficulties in enforcing compliance 
in the payment of premiums are the major obstacles to extending 
protection to this sector. 
In 1994 the Zimbabwe Farmers Union (ZFU) and ZIMNAT Insurance 
Company launched a contributory pensions fund for ZFU 
members Makora (1999). Makora found, however, that participation 
in the scheme by the smallholder farmers was very low. He attributes 
this low take-up rate to low and irregular incomes and problems in 
gaining access to ZFU offices where premiums are paid. 
With respect to non-formal systems, Hall (1987) carried out a study 
of burial societies in Harare. He found that there were 134 societies 
in Harare and observed that burial societies had started to develop in 
rural areas where previously, the extended family provided protection. 
There are now many religious denominations which have women's 
sections aimed at providing spiritual, economic and social support to 
those experiencing socioeconomic problems (Gumbo 1998). Benefits 
range from assistance to cover the costs of funerals and weddings, to 
visiting the sick, praying and counselling. 
Rotating savings and credit schemes are the two common forms of 
savings clubs among rural women but they have also become popular 
among men (Madembo 1998). In a study of club members in Nyameni 
in Marondera it was found that savings clubs are increasingly being 
viewed as a strategy for enhancing the socioeconomic status of urban 
and rural women (Chinake 2000). In addition the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, 
the ILO and German Technical Assistance to Zimbabwe are 
among the organizations trying to promote non-formal social security 
arrangements in Zimbabwe. The Employers Confederation of 
Zimbabwe, an umbrella organization for employers and employer organizations 
in Zimbabwe, is working on a research project on extending 
social security protection to the growing informal sector. 
Problem statement 
There is no consensus on what constitutes social security. However, 
the ILO definition that focuses on the protection and welfare of 
industrial workers is widely used. Consequently, social security studies 
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have tended to focus on formal social security schemes which cater for 
only a minority of the population. In poor countries such as Zimbabwe, 
those in formal employment are in a minority. The majority, who are 
involved in the informal sector, communal farming or domestic work rely 
on non-formal social security arrangements. Unfortunately, not much is 
known about either formal or non-formal schemes in terms of their 
viability, how they can be strengthened, the extend of coverage and the 
contingencies catered for. 
Justification for this study 
There is increasing social insecurity in the country as a result of 
inadequate social security protection. HIV/AIDS makes it difficult for 
the extended family to support its members and Zimbabwe's poor 
economic performance compounds the problem. The formal sector 
is shrinking and retrenchments and unemployment are growing. 
The studies that have been carried out on social security in Zimbabwe 
have tended to be fragmented, for example, Hall (1987) and Chinake 
(2000). They have also tended to focus either on gender, rural or urban 
areas (Chinake 2000, Gumbo 1998, Kaseke 1993 and Kaseke ed., 
1998). There is therefore a need for more comprehensive studies of 
both formal and non-formal social security systems in Zimbabwe. 
A social security study addressing both sectors was therefore 
considered to be a useful framework for discovering the viability of 
existing social protection measures (both formal and non-formal) with 
a view to examining their nature, the contingencies covered and the 
benefits and coverage of the schemes. This is necessary in order to 
examine the potential for the strengthening of these schemes. 
Methodology 
As the purpose of the first phase of the project on social security in 
Zimbabwe was basically to map out existing social security schemes, 
the population covered included social security institutions, experts 
in this area, participants in both rural and urban areas and organizations 
supporting such schemes. The study was executed by a team of three 
researchers and a research assistant who was engaged to collect data. 
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Relevant government ministries and departments and local authorities 
were contacted before collecting data and they acceded to the request 
to carry out the study and to facilitate the gathering of data. The study 
was carried out from September 2000 to the beginning of January 2001. 
Study location 
Out of the ten provinces in Zimbabwe, four were selected. These were 
Harare, Mashonaland East and West and Matebeleland North. The areas 
covered were Harare, Marondera urban and Murewa rural (Mashonaland 
East), Chinhoyi urban and Zvimba rural (Mashonaland West) 
and Bulawayo urban and Ntabazinduna rural in Matebeleland North. 
These areas were selected because they represent a cross-section of 
the population and the social security institutions in the country. Harare 
was an obvious choice as this is where most organizations involved in 
administering or providing financial or other support to social security 
programmes have their offices. 
Study population 
Social security organizations, mutual aid groups and participants in such 
schemes were targeted. The administrators of social security schemes, 
organizations providing technical or financial support to the same and 
members of mutual aid groups were interviewed. The study population 
compromised the following: representatives of organizations dealing 
with social security issues; organizations supporting mutual aid groups 
and other social security programmes; members of mutual aid groups 
such as burial societies, savings clubs and community leaders and 
experts in the area of social security. Table I shows some of the nonformal 
systems covered. 
Chinhoyi 
Harare 
Bulawayo 
Table I Mutual aid groups covered 
Savings clubs Burial societies Chiefs granary 
5 urban 4 rural 1 rural 
4 urban - 
4 urban 2 rural - 
3 urban 3 rural 1 rural 
-
4 urban 
4 urban 
- Marondera 
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Methods of data collection 
Multiple data gathering methods were utilized in order to obtain both 
quantitative and qualitative information. The researchers reviewed 
country-based literature and documentation on both formal and nonformal 
social security systems. 
Structured interviews with an interview schedule were used to obtain 
information from members of burial societies, church groups, savings 
clubs, community leaders (chiefs, councillors and headmen). Interview 
guides were used for representatives from NSSA, the Department of 
State Pensions, non-governmental organizations and donor agencies 
as well as for members of the community through focus group discussions 
(FGDs) and social security experts. Information on mutual aid 
groups was obtained from community services officers (municipalities), 
the Self-Help Development Foundation and through the 
snowballing technique. 
Limitations of the methodology 
It was not possible to get used disaggregated data from the National 
Social Security Authority and the Department of Pensions as these 
organizations were still in the process of computerising their systems. 
It was also not possible to cover more than three provinces because 
of financial and time constraints. The researchers, however, obtained 
valid and useful information which was used to select two non-formal 
schemes for in-depth analysis. 
Formal social security schemes 
This section briefly outlines various formal social security schemes 
in the country. 
Schemes provided by Department of State Pensions 
State Service Pensions (non-contributory) 
This scheme is provided under the State Service Disability Benefits Act 
(Chapter 16:05). Compensation as a result of the death or the injury of 
persons employed by the State arising in the course of official duties is 
paid in accordance with this Act. Those who die or are injured while 
assisting the Defence Forces, the Police Force or the Prison Service are 
also covered. The scheme is non-contributory and its funds are wholly 
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provided by Government. In 1999 there were a total of 3927 such 
pensioners and the number was increasing. A total of $33,570,548 was 
distributed to pensioners under this scheme in 1998. 
War Pensions Scheme (non-contributory) 
This provides social security in accordance with the War Pensions Act 
(Chapter 11.14) for those who fought during the Second World War. 
Those injured while providing military service during the Second World 
War (1939-1954) are paid pensions, allowances and other benefits. In 
1999 there were 167 pensioners who were benefiting from the scheme at 
a total cost of Z$ 1,03 8,025 per year. 
War Veterans Pensions Scheme (non-contributory) 
War veterans who took part in the liberation war from 1962-1980 receive 
pensions in accordance with the War Veterans Act (Chapter 
11:15). Dependents of deceased war veterans also receive pension 
benefits. In 1998 54,485 pensioners received a total of Z$l,320 
million per year. The scheme is entirely funded by government. 
War Victims Compensations Pension Scheme (non-contributory) 
Persons who sustained injuries as a result of the liberation war fought 
between 1962 and 1.980 receive pensions allowances and other 
benefits. Dependants of those who died as a result of the War also 
receive pension, allowances and other benefits in accordance with the 
War Victims Compensation Act (Chapter 11:16). The pension scheme 
benefits both ex-combatants and civilians. The benefits are calculated 
using the degree of disablement in relation to income earnings received 
prior to sustaining the disability. As at the end of 1998, 16,983 
pensioners benefited at a total cost of $170,679,119. 
Old Age Pensions (non-contributory) 
The Old Age Pension Act of 1979 provided payment of pensions to 
whites, Coloureds and those of Asiatic origin. Only those in the low 
income bracket who were not in receipt of any other income were 
eligible. To qualify for this pension one had to be aged 60 years and 
above. The Act was repealed at Independence but those who were 
already receiving it continued to do so. At the end of 1998 there were 
335 pensioners for which a total of $1,577,892 was distributed. The 
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number of beneficiaries is decreasing, due mainly to the death of recipients 
as a result of old age. 
Presidential Pensions and Retirement Benefits 
(non-contributory) 
Those who serve as Presidents or Vice Presidents are covered by this 
scheme, which operates in accordance with the Presidential Pensions 
and Retirement Benefits Act. The entitlement involves an annual salary 
payable to the beneficiary on the day he vacates office. In the case of 
a beneficiary who has died the surviving spouse gets an annual pension 
which is equal to one half of the annual pension of the deceased. 
State Service Pensions Scheme (contributory) 
Pensions, gratuities and other benefits are paid to those who are 
employed by the State but retire, die or terminate their service on 
medical grounds. Their dependents also get benefits except where the 
member employed by the State resigns before pensionable age or has 
been discharged. The State Services (Pensions) Act: Chapter 16:06 
compels those who are employed by the State to contribute 7.5% of 
pensionable emoluments towards the Public Service Pension Scheme. 
The employer contributes 15%. The employer contribution, when paid, 
is deposited into the government Consolidated Revenue Fund. The 
money paid is not invested as it is used to pay pension benefits to those 
who retire from service. 
Parliamentary Pensions Scheme (contributory) 
Senior ministers, ministers, deputy ministers and members of parliament 
are provided with pensions under the Parliamentary Pensions Act 
(Chapter 2:02). Those who qualify for this scheme pay contributions 
equal to 5% of their pensionable salaries. Their benefits, however are 
approximately 66% of their salaries on termination of service. To 
qualify for this pension, members of parliament must have been in 
parliament for at least two sittings and also be at least 50 years old. 
Judges' salaries, allowances and pensions scheme (contributory) 
Pensions and other provisions are paid to judges and their spouses in. 
accordance with the Judges' Salaries, Allowances and Pensions Act 
(Chapter 7). This scheme was started in June 1993 and from July 1993 
judges were required to pay 7.5% of their salaries towards the scheme, 
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like other civil servants. Their benefits are, however, far superior to 
those of other civil servants, mainly due to the formula used to calculate 
the benefits, which considers a final pension as equivalent to a salary. 
Judges are also entitled to purchasing, at book value, vehicles issued 
to them during their service. As at end of 1998 only 20 retired judges 
were receiving pensions under this scheme. 
Viability of State Service Pension Schemes 
The government, as the employer, does not invest the funds that it 
collects from its employees. The money paid by current employees 
is used to pay pensions to those who retire from service by intergenerational 
transfer. This means that, due to the current downsizing of 
thecivil service, there may be fewer contributors to sustain retirees. 
Sustaining the programme is therefore uncertain. 
Secondly, the employer contribution is not statutorily enforced, so 
current employees have to meet the shortfall. This shortfall will 
increase over time as the number of pensioners increase while the 
number of employees decrease. If the employer (government) paid its 
stipulated contribution in the ratio 2:1 in favour of the employee, the 
surplus realized could be invested to meet the cost for paying pensions 
and proposed reviews. 
Thirdly, HIV/AIDS will reduce the civil service workforce due to 
the death of some of the members who are in the 19 to 49 age groups. 
This will reduce contributions to the pensions scheme each year, Lastly, 
civil servants who leave the service before retirement to join other 
private companies and organizations are unable to have their vested 
benefits transferred to other pension schemes such as National Social 
Security Authority (NSSA). This principle inhibits the mobility of 
workers between government and other employers. 
Potential for strengthening 
The Department of Pensions (1998) has proposed a number of recommendations 
in order to strengthen the Public Service Pensions 
Schemes in the country. These include stipulations that: 
• Those who have attained 55 years of age or have served for a maximum 
of 20 pensionable years will be allowed to retire on a pension 
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equal to 65% of final pensionable emoluments. Likewise, contributors 
who have attained 60 years of age and have served for a 
maximum of 15 pensionable years may retire on a pension equal to 
65% of their final salary. In the current situation those who have 
attained 60 years of age and have served for 30 years retire on a 
pensions of 54.4%. 
• General allowances such as transport and housing allowances be 
included in the pensionable salary of contributions. 
• Retired pensioners be entitled to funeral assistance; 
• Pensions reviews be inflation-indexed. 
• The employer's contribution to the pensions plan will be enforced 
as a constitutional and statutory matter and be released in the ratio 
2:1 in favour of the employee. 
• Surplus contributions from both the employer and the employee be 
invested to enhance the income of the pensions scheme. 
• The employee's pensions contribution will be taxed but the resulting 
pensions be tax-free. 
• Contributions and benefits will be determined at a realistic rate from 
time to time, but not less than once in 5 years. 
Public assistance: (non-contributory) 
This is a non-contributory scheme funded from public revenue. Those 
eligible for assistance are the disabled, the destitute and the elderly. 
This scheme is inadequately funded and not many destitutes therefore 
receive assistance. 
The National Pensions and Other Benefits Scheme (NPS) and 
Workers Compensation Scheme (contributory) 
The Pensions and Other Benefits Scheme is funded through the 
contributions of both employers and employees while the Workers 
Compensation Insurance Fund is funded by the employers. Both 
schemes are administered by the National Social Security Authority 
(NSSA). Employer and employee contribute 3% each towards the pension 
contributions. 
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The beneficiaries of these social security schemes are all formallyemployed 
workers, excluding employees in the civil service, the army, 
domestic workers and those in the informal sector. The contingencies 
covered by the National Pensions Scheme are old age, retirement, 
invalidity and the death of a member. Workers' compensation caters 
for employment injury or illness and medical costs. Both these 
schemes provide periodical pension payment and lump sum pension 
payments. Medical expenses, including orthopaedic appliances, are 
paid in the case of the Workers Compensation Insurance Fund. 
Viability of national social security authority schemes 
The viability of this schemes is compromised by the following weaknesses: 
Limited coverage in terms of numbers of members compared 
with the total population. There is a plan in place to extend the social 
security scheme to people employed in the informal sector by the 
year 2005. It was also planned to include the domestic workers into 
the scheme by December 2001. At April 2001 the scheme covered 
1.4 million workers and approximately 30,000 employers. The 
cumulative total of beneficiaries of retirement pensions, invalidity 
pensions and survivors pension was 59,880 (Mbanje 2001). 
Limited protection in terms of contingencies covered. A maternity 
benefit scheme was hoped to be in place by December 2001. A 
National Health Insurance Scheme and protection against other 
contingencies experienced by workers, including unemployment and 
retrenchment, are also envisaged. 
Low benefit levels. The increasingly high cost of living means the 
benefits paid are inadequate and cannot maintain beneficiaries at an 
acceptable standard of living. The increase of benefit levels is subject 
to actuarial valuation, which has not been done over the years. This 
has now been done and the legislative process now needs to be 
completed. It is hoped that after the year 2002, yearly increments will 
be made. Insurable earnings will also be increased in line with salary 
scales and inflation so that benefits match the cost of living. 
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Public image. The compulsory nature of the scheme jeopardized the 
image of the organization from the start. The organization is now striving 
to improve its image through good governance and disseminating 
information to all stakeholders. 
Customer care. Staff at NSSA are being trained in customer care 
techniques and the establishment of a one-stop shop and counselling 
in social security is being contemplated. 
Improvement in processing benefits. The volume of work involving 
the payment of benefits at NSSA requires an efficient computer system. 
All avenues are being explored to put in place an appropriate computer 
system for the timely payment of benefits, as the manual processing 
of service provision to beneficiaries delays benefits. 
Potential for strengthening NSSA schemes 
NSSA is considering expanding the coverage of individuals and the 
range of contingencies protected against. The feasibility of extending 
coverage to include domestic workers and those in the informal sector 
as well as covering contingencies such as unemployment and maternity 
benefits is being examined. Setting pension contribution rate at a low 
level will not bring undue hardship to either the contributing employer 
or employee. 
ZIMNATandZFU Pension Scheme 
This scheme is underwritten by ZIMNAT, a private insurance company 
and it is available to all farmers who are fully paid up members of the 
Zimbabwe Farmers Union and are under the age of 65 years. A 
minimum contribution of Z$ 150.00 per annum secures all the benefits 
provided by the scheme. The scheme provides guaranteed financial 
security and protection to members during their working life and after 
retirement. It also provides members with the opportunity to save 
money. The current legislation provides that the pension can be paid 
on the attainment of the age of 55 years and also on the grounds of ill 
health. 
The benefits payable are as follows: 
Withdrawal benefit. On ceasing to be a member, before reaching 
retirement age there is choice from three options; 
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A cash refund of all contributions plus 5% per year compound interest; 
The cash refund can be transferred to another registered pensions 
scheme;- 
The withdrawn benefit can be iiwested in the ZIMNAT Pensions Plan 
or the Preservation Fund. At any age between 55 and 70 years the 
member can easily convert the maturity values to a lifetime pension. 
Disability benefit. This is a lump sum payment which depends on the 
annual premium paid by the member. 
Death benefit. This operates in the same manner as the disability 
benefit. 
Retirement benefit. This is a payment of lump sum, tax-free commutation 
up to a maximum of one third of the gross pension, plus a residual 
pension based on the member's accumulated pension contributions as 
at the date of retirement. 
Viability of the ZIMNAT/ZFU Scheme 
The scheme is not considered to be very viable in view of the following 
limitations: 
• Participation in the scheme is very low due to a low take-up rate. 
• There is a lack of effective coordination among the ZIMNAT, ZFU 
and its members. Members pay their contributions to ZFU offices 
for onward transmission to ZIMNAT. There are administrative problems 
as these payments to ZIMNAT are not regular. Communication 
between ZIMNAT and ZFU is also neither efficient nor effective. 
• The collection of premiums from members is erratic as many members 
do not pay their $150.00 annual contribution. 
Potential for strengthening 
There is a great need to educate the membership on making timely 
payments of contributions if the scheme is to be strengthened. The coordination 
efforts between those who administer the scheme, that is, 
ZIMNAT and ZFU, need to be strengthened. 
Non-formal social security systems 
There are various types of non-formal social security arrangements 
operating at community level. These constitute the different socioeconomic 
measures that individuals, groups or communities in a given 
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geographical area put together, either to meet a specific contingency or 
to ensure the general well-being of community members. Some arrangements 
(such as burial societies) are targeted at a specific contingency 
such as death or famine, while others, such as savings and credit clubs, 
cover a wide range of contingencies. The contingencies that most 
concerned people in all the provinces visited were death, famine, 
chronic poverty, infirmity and disability. 
A variety of non-formal institutions ensure the general well-being 
of their members. Each level, starting with the individual and building 
up through the nuclear family, the extended family, kinship groups and 
the community (at village level) has a specific role to play, in addition 
to mutual aid societies such as burial societies, savings and credit 
societies. 
The individual 
Adults are expected to satisfy their basic needs by engaging in some 
form of productive activity which will ensure that they get an income. 
Most respondents, however, pointed out that their incomes were 
insufficient to meet even their ordinary day to day needs and they were 
therefore unable to save for the future. Many respondents interviewed 
in all areas were informal sector operators involved in petty trading 
or communal farmers. Consequently when they fall ill they become 
destitute unless family members bail them out. 
The nuclear family 
The nuclear family is viewed as the most important provider of social 
security in all areas. Family members are expected to assist each other 
in times of need. If there is illness or a death it is the responsibility of 
family members to help and outsiders come in to fill in any gaps or to 
provide emotional and moral support. 
The extended family 
Most people still maintain ties with their extended family, especially in 
times of need. Due to the economic hardships that many people are 
currently experiencing, however, assistance, especially financial assistance, 
from the extended family is becoming erratic and unreliable, as 
virtually everyone is struggling to meet their basic needs. 
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Viability 
The viability of social security arrangements at the individual, family 
and community levels is being compromised by the generally high 
levels of poverty which are exacerbated by structural adjustment 
programmes and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The 1995 Poverty Assessment 
study showed that about 62% of the people in Zimbabwe were 
poor and, given the two factors identified above, the situation is now 
likely to be much worse. Poverty is characterized by high unemployment 
levels and a high cost of living, coupled with low incomes in both 
town and country. 
Potential for strengthening 
Social security can be enhanced through broad poverty alleviation 
programmes such as land redistribution and employment creation, to 
give people an income that will enable them to experience an acceptable 
standard of living. 
The community 
The participation of the community in the provision of social security 
is strongest in the rural areas where a variety of arrangements are in 
place to cover contingencies which need a community approach. In 
some instances, the community is approached because individuals are 
incapable of meeting their own needs but in certain situations, such"as 
sickness, disability and death, community help is required regardless 
of individual and family capacity. In such cases the village head 
mobilizes support and ensures that those in need are helped. 
One specific social security arrangement which is organized at the 
community level is the "Chief's Granary" (Zunde raMambo). This is 
considered in detail in Phase II of the study below. 
Churches 
Most people in Zimbabwe belong to church groups which all have a 
variety of social security arrangements, some at church level and others 
specifically by women's and men's groups within the church. Members 
have to be deemed in need and to be unable to help themselves. Many 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 127
of these are the disabled, the chronically ill, the elderly, the ill and 
orphans and widows and widowers. 
Funding comes from church moneys and church members are also 
sometimes asked to contribute in cash or kind. Members experience 
the following benefits: they are visited when in need and given material 
benefits such as money, food, firewood and clothes. They are given 
moral support during illness and bereavement and food for funerals. 
The church also provides a shroud when a member dies. 
Viability 
Social security by church groups was seen as a very viable option by 
all community members. This explains why almost everyone belongs 
to some such group. Church groups not only contribute economically 
but also spiritually to individual's total well-being. 
Potential for strengthening 
The potential for strengthening these groups lies in improving the 
economic status of the people as a whole through income-generating 
projects. 
Burial societies 
The study found that burial societies, which were established in order 
to cater for deaths and death-related needs, exist in virtually all areas 
in Zimbabwe. They are considered in detail in Phase II of the study 
below. 
Savings clubs 
Savings clubs enable individuals to save money on a regular basis. 
Two types of savings clubs were identified during the study. The first 
is where club members are assisted by organizations such as the Self 
Help Development Foundation, operating in all provinces in Zimbabwe 
and the Zimbabwe Project Trust, operating in Matebeleland North and 
South only. The second is where members come together informally and 
make contributions which they share out after a period stipulated in 
their constitution, which is either written or agreed upon verbally. 
Informal savings clubs exist in all the areas under study and almost all 
had women members. Unfortunately, the number of these groups is not 
128 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
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known because they are not registered. The contingencies covered by 
savings clubs are many and non-specific and both immediate and longterm 
such as goods, clothes, school fees, death, illness and buying 
assets; 
These groups contain more women members than men, because of 
the pro-women thrust of these organizations. For example, more than 
90% of members of the Self Help Foundation are women. There are 
also more informal savings groups for women than men in all the 
communities visited. Members pay a joining fee. Each member 
decides how much they want to save per week and the money is banked 
by the chairperson in one account. Only members benefit from the 
operations of these societies. None of the societies receive funds from 
any organization. 
Members decide when they want to share out the money, including 
the interest. Most groups studied share their money at the end of every 
year. However, if a member has a pressing need before that time, she 
can borrow money at an agreed interest rate. This practice is not 
encouraged by many groups because it is seen as defeating the purpose 
of savings. 
Viability 
The study established that savings clubs were quite viable. Respondents 
pointed out that many groups were being formed because people had 
realized the importance of belonging to a group. They identified the 
following as the advantages of being a member: 
• You can save small sums of money; 
• The group acts as a control measure and instils discipline in its 
members; 
• The interest realized is larger than it would be for an individual 
saving on her own. Most members state that they have been able to 
improve their lives through the savings clubs. 
Potential for strengthening 
These groups can be strengthened, especially those that are not being 
assisted by any organization. Interviews with beneficiaries and heads 
of both government and non-governmental organizations pointed out 
that groups could be strengthened in skills training so that they could 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 129
generate more income and basic education, to improve literacy levels 
among the beneficiaries, which are generally low. 
Credit schemes 
Non-formal credit schemes are common in all the areas covered during 
the study. There are two basic types of such schemes. One is supported 
by non-governmental organizations such as Dondolo Mudonzvo, which 
has credit schemes in all provinces and supports abut 600 groups, each 
with approximately ten members. The Self-Help Development Foundation 
started its credit scheme in 1996 while the savings scheme started 
in 1964. They operate in only four provinces out often. Zimbabwe 
Projects Trust has credit groups in Matebeleland North and South only. 
There are also informal groups which are not registered but which are 
thriving at community level. 
Credit facilities are made available to cover any contingency and 
thus, like savings, are meant to be multi-purpose. The majority of the 
respondents pointed out that usually people draw on these schemes to 
meet immediate and unexpected needs such as illness and death. At 
times they borrow to meet day to day needs. Membership is open to 
any one who wishes to apply. The person wishing to borrow must have 
assets that can be attached if she is unable to pay back the loan. A close 
member of the family can stand surety. Most group members are women 
in both types of credit scheme. 
Any individual who meets the above criteria can benefit from the 
schemes. Those who have a record of defaulting are not allowed to join. 
There are a number of organizations which fund these groups although 
the exact number could not be established. 
According to the organizations covered in the study, the funds 
given to the individuals are small. For example, the Self Help Foundation 
gives a maximum of $25,000.00 with an interest rate of 40% per 
annum. Dondolo Mudonzvo gives a maximum of 520,000, but is 
looking into the possibility of increasing the loan. 
Viability 
Credit schemes are viable as they reach the majority of the poor. The 
officials of the organizations who offer micro-finance note that the 
130 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 1 7 NO 2 JULY 2002
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default rates stood at between 25-30%, which they consider low. This 
is because they employ loan officers who follow up on defaulters. 
Potential for strengthening 
Credit schemes have the potential to be strengthened as people are 
already mobilized into groups. They can be trained so as to strengthen 
their capacity to produce and manage their projects so that they are 
able to repay their loans. 
Conclusion 
This study identified the main formal schemes as social insurance and 
social assistance. The schemes administered by the State are the State 
Service Pensions, War Veterans Pensions, War Victims Compensation, 
Old Age Pensions, Presidential Pensions and Retirement benefits, 
Parliamentary Pension, Judges Salaries, Allowances and Pensions and 
Public Assistance. 
The National Social Security Authority administers the National 
Pensions and Other Benefits Schemes and the Workers Compensation 
Schemes and protects those in the private sector. Other private sectoi 
initiatives in social protection include the ZIMNAT and the Zimbabwe 
Farmers Union pension scheme for smallholder farmers. A number of 
other private occupational pensions schemes are provided by insurance 
companies: this study did not, however, cover such schemes. 
What is clear is that most Zimbabweans obtain whatever social protection 
they have through non-formal social security systems and only a 
minority are catered for by formal schemes. 
On the basis of the findings of this study the researchers selected 
burial societies and the Chiefs granary for in-depth study in the second 
phase because they have a great deal of potential for strengthening 
and provide inclusive social security coverage. 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 131
Phase II: Zunde raMambo and Burial Societies 
ABSTRACT 
In Phase II of this study the Zimbabwean team selected the Zunde 
raMambo and burial societies for an in-depth study. Four provinces 
were selected and key informants were interviewed from senior 
officials to members of these organizations at the grassroots. Zunde 
raMambo, which provide for the contingency of famine and chronic 
poverty, was useful in alleviating the plight of rural people but the 
scheme was not being implemented in all communities because of 
problems such as lack of fertile land, inputs and poor community 
mobilization. Communities need more land, seed and fertilizers and 
community members should be encouraged to participate in the 
Zunde. Burial societies were quite common in urban areas although 
not in rural areas. Their effectiveness is compromised by the low 
monthly contributions at at time when the cost of funerals has risen. 
Most of these societies operate without constitutions, resulting in 
suspecions of mismanagement or misappropriation of funds. The 
study recommends that burial societies develop constitutions to 
guide their operations. They should also increase their 
contributions in order to get maximum benefits and engage in 
income-generating projects to enhance the viability of their clubs. 
The non-governmental sector could be very useful in building the 
capacity of burial society committee members to discharge their 
duties effectively. 
Aim and objectives of the study 
The aim of the study was to carry out an in-depth analysis of the Zunde 
raMambo and burial societies. The objectives of the study were: to 
analyse the structure, capacity and functions of these societies; to 
investigate the contingencies addressed and viability of the schemes; 
to identify the links that exist between formal and non-formal schemes 
and to suggest how these societies can be strengthened. 
132 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
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Methodology 
Design 
Non-formal social security is found in both rural and urban areas. 
However, the Zunde is primarily a rural phenomenon, while burial 
societies are found in all areas. Four provinces, that is Harare, 
Mashonaland East, Mashonaland West and Masvingo, were selected 
for the study and data were gathered from key informants from relevant 
government departments and ministries and members of the Zunde and 
burial societies. Both quantitative and qualitative data were gathered. 
Location 
The specific districts covered were Hurungwe and Zvimba in Mashonaland 
West, Mrewa in Mashonaland East and Masvingo and Mwenezi 
in Masvingo Province. 
Study population 
A total of 17 Zunde projects were visited and 107 villagers interviewed 
on their experiences of the Zunde project, as shown in Table II. 
Most respondents were women, as shown in Table III. 
Seven community leaders, including chiefs from the elected districts, 
were also interviewed. Three key informants, one from the Ministries of 
Health and Child Welfare and Public Service and two from Labour and 
Province 
Masvingo 
Table II: Regional distribution of respondents 
Mashonaland East 
Mashonaland West 
% 
18.7% 
19.6% 
34.6% 
27.1% 
100% 
for Zunde raMambo 
Respondents District 
Masvingo 
Mwenezi 
Mrewa 
Zvimba 
20 
21 
37 
29 
107 TOTAL
Table III: Women as a proportion of respondents for 
Zunde raMambo 
Gender Nos. of respondents % 
Women 72 67.3% 
Total 107 100% 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 133
Social Welfare were interviewed, together with community leaders 
(chiefs and headmen), selected o the basis on availability. As for the 
burial societies, 28 members, who included those from workplace-based 
benevolent funds and 20 committee members also provided information 
for the study. Snowballing was used to identify the members. 
Methods of data collection 
A number of complementary data-gathering instruments were utilized, 
including a literature review, interview schedules for villagers, community 
members and community leaders and interview guides for key 
informants from government ministries and departments. 
Limitations of the methodology 
The team was not able to cover projects in distant provinces mainly 
because of the unavailability of fuel. Heavy rains during the time of the 
study also made many rural areas inaccessible. 
The expansion and contraction of social services post-Independence 
The first decade of Independence in Zimbabwe witnessed a marked 
improvement in quality of life for most people. Social services 
provision was expanded and measures were taken to enhance the 
accessibility and affordability of these services and modest levels of 
economic growth were achieved. This relative tranquillity and progress 
could not be sustained in the second decade of Independence when the 
macroeconomic reforms which have eroded most of the earlier gains 
were introduced. As part of these reforms, user fees in health and 
education were introduced and enforced in the context of decreasing 
employment opportunities, declining real wages and rising food prices 
that have characterized Zimbabwe at the beginning of the twenty-first 
century. 
According to the Central Statistical Office (2000) Zimbabwe's economic 
performance has been poor and is on the decline. The gross 
national product took a nosedive from 8.2% in 1996, to 3.7% in 1997, 
1.5% in 1998 and 1.2% in 1999. This downward spiral has unleashed 
increasing poverty among the poor. Retrenchments and company 
closures have also had an effect on the general welfare. Thousands of 
workers have joined the ranks of the unemployed. The Poverty 
134 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
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Assessment Survey found that 62% of the population live below the 
nutritional total consumption poverty line of Z$2132.33 per person 
annually (Ministry of Public Service and Social Welfare 1996). Many 
people therefore do not have adequate food. 
The inadequacy of formal social security systems 
Non-formal social security arrangements, such as burial societies and 
the Zunde raMambo have been said to be increasingly popular. They 
address the felt needs of their members and can cater for people 
existing outside formal employment—and the formal social security— 
sector. They also have potential for strengthening in order to enhance 
their viability and coverage. If successful, this would reduce the 
demand on public assistance and even pauper burials as the welfare of 
destitutes and the poor will be taken care of. Savings in these areas 
could then be invested in economic activities, which could bring about 
development. If the Zunde raMambo practice was strengthened, food 
security would be guaranteed and people in rural areas would not look 
to the State for their survival. Dependence on State schemes is no 
longer a reliable source of support. 
Zunde raMambo 
One of the pre-colonial community-level systems of social security was 
the Zunde raMambo practice. Zunde raMambo is a Shona phrase which 
means "the Chief's granary". The Zunde was a common field 
designated by a chief for cultivating food crops by the community. The 
harvest was stored in a common granary under the direction of the 
chief. The primary aim of the Zunde was to ensure that a community 
had food reserves which could be used in times of food shortage 
(Mararike 2000). The food was also used to feed the chief's soldiers, 
subjects awaiting trial, the chief's advisors and those engaged in 
disputes within the community. Historically, Zunde raMambo was used 
not only to produce communal crops for food security, but also as a 
social, economic and political rallying-point for the community. 
Food security was therefore guaranteed and the Zunde ensured protection 
in the event of drought or poor harvests. The elderly, orphans, the 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 135
disabled and members of the community in general were the beneficiaries. 
Proceeds were also used to sponsor community ceremonies 
such as burials and similar gatherings where the villagers were the 
beneficiaries. Social security protection in the pre-colonial era was 
therefore relatively comprehensive, appropriate and effective as coverage 
included all members at various levels from the family to the 
community. 
With the advent of the colonial State and the introduction of a cash 
economy, traditional social support systems were gradually weakened. 
The Zunde raMambo practice also died out as the chiefs' authority 
was eroded and some of their powers and functions were usurped by 
the colonial regime. The Land Apportionment Act of 1930, which divided 
land unequally between the two racial groups, ensured that the 
indigenous people were relocated to small pieces of unproductive, 
infertile land. The Zunde therefore ceased to function although its 
continued existence would have made Africans self-reliant and able to 
compete with the white settlers. 
The revival of the Zunde 
The Zunde raMambo was reviewed in 1996 when some members of the 
Council of Chiefs approached the Nutrition Unit in the Ministry of 
Health and Child Welfare for assistance. The villagers were expected to 
own the programme and to guarantee its sustainability in order to 
reduce levels of malnutrition and decrease dependence on the State for 
food. The idea was then taken up by chiefs throughout the country. 
Mararike (2000) notes that a number of problems were adversely affecting 
the programmes, including a shortage of land, the lack of 
agricultural inputs, inadequate cooperation between government 
departments and the chiefs' lack of control of assets such as land, 
knowledge and organization. In addition there was a lack of proper 
understanding of the Zunde, as villagers now perceive authority to be 
vested with the district council, political parties and central government 
rather than the chief and a lack of motivation on the part of villagers to 
participate in the schemes. 
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Table IV: Distribution of Zunde raMambo 
Province Mwenzi 
Masvingo 2 
Mash West 
Mash East 0 
HurungweMrewa Total 
0 10 
0 5 
0 2 
0 Total 2 
0
0
2
2 
0
5
0
5 
by province and district 
Masvingo Zvimba 
8
0
0
8 17 
Findings 
Table IV gives the distribution of the Zunde according to province and 
district.Sixty-two per cent of the respondents indicated that Zunde 
scheme had been initiated between 1996 and 2000. Half the community 
members said the idea was proposed by the chief and the rest said it 
originated from the Child Welfare Forum. In Masvingo and Mashonaland 
provinces, community members associate the Zunde with the 
Child Welfare Forum and orphans because the latter found the scheme 
a viable way of dealing with AIDS orphans. Since the Forum is coordinated 
by the Department of Social Welfare, the Zunde in these 
provinces has become much more than a programme to ensure food 
security and to cushion people against poverty. In Mwenezi, for example, 
people refer to the Zunde as "a field for widows, the disabled 
and orphans". 
In Mashonaland West the Zunde is viewed mainly as a food security 
programme. Here the Nutrition Department of the Ministry of Health 
and Child Welfare takes a considerably more active role than the 
Department of Social Welfare in Zunde activities. The chiefs are 
viewed here by all as being at the centre of persuading and encouraging 
people to participate in the Zunde. 
Organization of the Zunde 
In all the areas visited, the Zunde raMambo has been decentralized to 
the village level and is therefore now being referred to as the "kraalhead's 
Zunde" even though the chief has his own Zunde. This 
decentralization has taken place over the years in view of the fact that 
people could no longer work on the chief's land as some of the chiefs 
live far away. Most villages consist of approximately 200 households 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN'AFRICA 137
under a kraal-head who is responsible for mobilizing them. He also 
monitors and assesses the activities of the Zunde. In all provinces a 
Zunde committee, whose members are elected by the villagers, assist 
the kraal-heads to run the affairs of the Zunde. 
Some of these committee members, particularly in Masvingo, belong 
to the Child Welfare Forum, while in Mashonaland West village community 
and health workers are found in most committees. Committee 
members consist of the chairperson, (the kraal-head or headman) the 
vice chairperson, the secretary and a treasurer. The committees are 
responsible for drawing up guidelines for the project. The village head 
reports to the headman or directly to the chief. When communities 
harvest, committees record the produce and inform the chief. Part of the 
grain is kept by the kraal-head and the rest is given to the chief. The 
Zunde committees are responsible for identifying those in need and 
allocating relief. The chief is the overall coordinator of all the Zunde in 
his area and he deals with any problem that cannot be solved at lower 
levels. 
The study established that the committees maintain registers of 
those who attend. Fines ranging from Z$2.00 to ZS5.00 are imposed 
on absentees. The chiefs and kraal-heads point out that absenteeism 
is, as a result, low. Committees work out the modalities of the 
operations. The most common arrangement is that the committee 
identifies a day when people come together to work and each household 
sends a representative. The other arrangement is that each village is 
asked to participate in a specific activity, such as ploughing, weeding 
or harvesting. This is in place in Masvingo where there is only one piece 
of land for a number of villages. 
Functions of Zunde raMambo 
All the respondents view the Zunde as a field belonging to the chief, 
headman or kraal-head, on which people in a particular community 
come to work together in order to produce grain to be given to the 
needy. The older members of community emphasize that, in times past, 
travellers and those who were awaiting trial at the chief's homestead 
were fed from the produce of the Zunde but younger members aged 30 
138 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
DtvemtM, Gumbo & NywnuMiWZIMBABWE REPORT 
and 40 see it as a community strategy which ensures that the destitute 
and the disabled have enough to eat. 
Table V shows the number of people who have benefited and Table 
VI shows how they benefited from the Zunde. Most people (72.9%) 
state that beneficiaries get money for basic needs such as food, clothes 
and school fees. This response came mainly from Masvingo and 
Mashonaland East where the Zunde is seen as a poverty alleviation 
strategy and Zunde committees sell part of the proceeds in order to 
meet the needs of community members. In Masvingo, for example, two 
Zunde had managed to buy school uniforms for some schoolchildren. 
In addition, community members get maize, beans and groundnuts; 
a function that has remained unchanged since times past. Only when 
the need for food had been satisfied do they sell grain, although, 
because of numbers of orphans, the sale of grain has become necessary. 
Some Zunde are paying school fees for orphans, as 38.3% of respondents 
indicated. This is the case in Chief Neshuro's area, in one of the 
poorest areas in Masvingo, where the primary school fees for two 
children were paid for the whole year. Only 18.7% of the respondents 
Table V Number of people who have benefited from 
Zunde raMambo in selected areas 
Category of recipients 
Elderly, orphans, disabled 
Elderly, orphans, widows, 
Area No.of recipients 
Charumbira, Masvingo area 2000 
Chirau, Mash West 450 
expectant mothers 
Orphans, elderly and other poor 
Poorfamilies 
Mupambatye (Mrewa), Significant 
Mash East membership 
Chitanga 100 families 
% 
53.3% 
27.1% 
18.7% 
38.3% 
72.9% 
Table VI: Functions of the Zunde raMambo 
Functions Frequency 
Provision of maize 57 
Provision of maize and beans 29 
Provision of vegetables 20 
Provision of money for school fees 41 
Provision of money for other basics like clothes78 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 139
stated that the Zunde provide vegetables for the needy although this is 
common in Masvingo where community leaders have made Zunde 
gardens specifically for growing vegetables for orphans. 
Contingencies covered by Zunde raMambo 
The three provinces under study are prone to erratic rainfall and thus 
food shortages. Region IV and V in Masvingo are prone to droughts 
and, while Zvimba and Murewa are productive" areas, they produce 
insufficient food because of too much rain. Food shortage is therefore 
the most important contingency catered for by the Zunde. However, 
because of the increasing poverty and numbers of orphans, it has been 
transformed into a poverty-alleviation programme for needy community 
members, particularly children. 
Capacity and viability of Zunde raMambo scheme 
All respondents note that the concept of the Zunde was most welcome 
because it ensures that the community participates in identifying the 
needy and also collectively determines how to help them, with minimal 
assistance from outsiders. Because it is a project owned by the people, 
it could be a very effective way of dealing with these problems. 
The respondents said the advantages of the Zunde programme over 
other programmes is, firstly, that it originates in Zimbabwe and is not 
imposed on the people. Secondly, it deals with the practical problems 
that affect virtually all within a community. Thirdly, it is managed by 
the community and their leaders and there is no bureaucracy involved. 
The project is seen to be both appropriate and relevant and is understood 
by the people. However, its viability is threatened by various 
common factors. These are the inability of all chiefs to have Zunde 
projects in their areas, the lack of adequate and productive land, the 
lack of inputs and farming implements and corruption. 
Conflicts between political and traditional leaders 
Not all the districts under study have Zunde projects. The key informants 
and community leaders see this as a major problem because 
government had hoped that, after discussing the issue with the chiefs 
in 1996, most, if not all, provinces would have implemented the Zunde. 
This is attributed to two major reasons. The first is that conflicts 
between the political structures and the traditional structures have 
140 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
impacted adversely on development projects on the ground. After 
Independence the government created village and ward development 
committees controlled by councillors while the traditional structures 
still remained, even though they had been stripped of their power 
during colonization. Consequently, some of the councillors are said to 
be interfering with the work of the Zunde. 
Secondly, the issue of land remains critical. Most chiefs do not have 
adequate land. They also feel powerless because land allocation is still 
in the hands of local government authorities, which are not very responsive 
to the needs of the chiefs. The study established that on 
average, each Zunde has about two acres. As a kraal-head under Chief 
Neshuro said: 
There are six hundred people in this village. The majority have 
barely enough to eat because each year, they hardly produce 
anything. We have many orphans who are living on their own 
or with elderly grandparents. These people are supposed to 
benefit from the Zunde but they cannot because we do not have 
enough land. 
Lack of inputs 
Inputs such as seed and fertilizer were said to be unavailable by 57.7% 
of the respondents. Because the Zunde approach emphasizes selfreliance, 
community members are supposed to provide seeds and 
fertilizers. In 1996 government promised to donate initial packages 
but did not do so. In a few cases where community members had managed 
to contribute inputs crops, especially maize, have not done well 
because of too much rain. In addition, the price of fertilizers and seeds 
have gone up by over 100 per cent. As a result, they are beyond the 
reach of the poor peasants. 
How can I be expected to contribute inputs when I do not even 
have enough for my field? In previous years, we used manure as 
to make the land fertile but our livestock was destroyed during 
the drought years. We therefore have nothing. The government 
and donors should assist us. _ 
one respondent lamented. The situation is similar in all provinces. 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 141
Erratic rainfall 
For the past years the community has experienced erratic rainfaH with 
more than usual rain falling around February. Of the three provinces, 
Masvingo was most affected and Mashonaland East least, because of 
the type of soil in that area. As a result, most of those Zunde which 
were cultivated had no yields at all. The researchers observed that most 
of the fields cultivated had unhealthy-looking crops. It was clear that 
the harvest would be small. 
Poor community mobilization and participation 
Only 23.4% of the respondents indicate that community mobilization 
was poor. It is possible that when the Zunde exist, community leaders 
were highly motivated and encouraged their members to participate. 
In Masvingo and Mashonaland East, for example, the motivation came 
from the need to assist orphans and, because almost everyone in the 
community has orphans in the family, everyone saw the importance of 
the Zunde. Community leaders pointed out that, although a few did not 
want to participate, that was to be expected. The level of participation, 
ensured by keeping a register of participants, was satisfactory. 
Crop security was among the problems cited by 9.3% of the respondents. 
In cases where the Zunde had realized yields, storage was cited as 
a problem and in Masvingo, for example, grain had been stored at a 
nearby school because the kraal-head did not have appropriate storage 
places. In Zvimba the chief was using his own buildings. This was 
viewed as an unsuitable arrangement. 
Corruption 
Corruption was mentioned by only 4.7% of the respondents. One case 
was mentioned of a kraal-head in Masvingo who had given grain to his 
friends and relatives but his committee reported him to the chief and 
he was fined. Although corruption cannot be ruled out totally, people 
have found the system of distribution to be relatively transparent 
because, at both village and chief levels, it is the committee members 
who identify those in need and determine how much they receive. 
Zunde yields 
The majority of the Zunde under study had operated for an average of 
two years only. This period coincided with the erratic weather patterns. 
142 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
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Table VII: Expected yields for 2001 
Crop No of bags 
maize 
groundnuts 
Area 
Mupambatye area 
(Murewa) 
10x 90kg 
10x50kg 
10x50kg rapoko 
1 bucket maize 
10x50kg rapoko 
Mukurazhizha area 
(Murewa) 
peanuts 30 x 50kg 
As a result, they had not harvested much in spite of the labour that 
people put in. It was reported, however, that one headman in Hurungwe 
had harvested only five bags of beans which were exhausted within a 
month. Another harvested only two bags. The highest yields were 100 
bags of maize harvested in Charumbira village in Masvingo. 
One Zunde in Neshuro area harvested the following; in 1998, three 
bags of maize and ten of groundnuts. In 1999 the yield increased to 
eight bags of maize and ten bags of groundnuts but there was no 
harvest in 2000, because of heavy rains. They were expecting low 
harvests in 2001 for the same reason. In 1999, four bags of groundnuts 
were sold. Six schoolchildren had their fees paid for the whole year and 
six elderly persons were assisted. Expected yields in 2001 from some 
Zunde raMambo fields are shown in Table VII. 
Level of benefits 
Because of the low levels of yields, benefits were very low. For 
example, one family received a five-litre tin of maize which was able 
to provide a meal for only one or two days. Consequently, one Zunde 
in Chief Neshuro's area has started a coffin-making project to raise 
income specifically for school fees for orphans. The project is fairly 
successful although it had its own problems. 
Linkages to formal social security programmes 
Because of its community base, the Zunde have linkages with other 
formal social security schemes/social protections. The first link is with 
programmes run by the Department of Social Welfare, such as the 
Social Development Fund, the Public Assistance programme and free 
food distribution. Key informants and community leaders point out that 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 143
the Zunde are still not able to cater for significant members of people. 
As a result, the majority of the needy are still being referred to the 
Department of Social Welfare for assistance. 
Because of the food security and nutrition aspect, the Ministry of 
Health and Child Welfare, through its nutrition department, is also 
working closely with community members. This was evident in Zvimba 
in Mashonaland West where the Ministry has nutrition gardens run by 
communities. The Department of Agricultural Extension Services is 
supposed to give technical advice to communities but this is not being 
done systematically. One organization had even promised to sell the 
Zunde produce on behalf of a community in Zvimba, but the officials 
disappeared with the grain and were never seen again. There are 
therefore a number of organizations directly linked to the Zunde. While 
the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare is supposed to coordinate 
the government initiatives, it appears that this is not being done. 
Ways of strengthening the Zunde raMambo 
Those in the formal sector indirectly support the non-formal activities 
of people in the rural areas in the form of material, cash and moral 
assistance. Generally, formal social schemes in Zimbabwe have very 
limited benefits and most urban people maintain a rural home to retire 
to at the end of their working life. The participation of rural people in 
Zunde raMambo has the blessing of those in formal social schemes 
as they also stand to benefit from them, directly or indirectly. However, 
there are no formal and direct linkages between formal and non-formal 
arrangements. 
When the respondents were asked to propose ways of strengthening 
the Zunde raMambo they made the following proposals: 
The supply of inputs such as seed, fertilizer and pesticides by either 
government or donor agencies was needed. The research team sees 
this proposal, however, as negative as it encourages dependency. 
Community members should be encouraged to get the inputs through 
their own community efforts. 
Having a Zunde banking account: This would ensure transparency 
and preserve the security of the money raised after selling produce. 
144 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
Securing loans and capital to start Zunde projects: Starting capital is 
required as most communities are poor and cannot afford inputs for 
their private fields, let alone for the Zunde project. This is envisaged 
as a once-off grant that would not encourage dependency. • • , 
Increasing the acreage of land designated as Zunde raMambo: I he 
pieces of land allocated for Zunde projects are too small to produce 
enough to support the deserving cases in each community. 
Introducing Zunde raMambo in a different form (income-generating 
projects): In its present form, the Zunde concept is liable to failure due 
to droughts and floods. If, however, the concept is widened to include 
commercial projects such as poultry, piggeries and beekeeping,: the 
money raised from such projects could be invested to'genenate income 
for a fund for the needy in the community. ; - 
Boreholes and irrigation facilities: The planting Of crops in the rainy 
season only limits the viability of the Zunde raMambo. The construction 
of boreholes and irrigation facilities would ensure that, even in dry 
seasons, crop production in Zunde raMambo fields can continue. 
Fencing of fields and constructing storage facilities: Community 
members have often been demoralized when their crops have been 
destroyed by cattle and other animals. The Zunde projects need to be 
fenced off from animals. After harvesting the crops, the produceneeds 
to be properly stored so that the food does not quickly go bad. 
Burial societies . 
The development of burial societies • 
In the face of increasing social insecurity, black migrant "workers, both 
local and aliens from neighbouring countries such as Zambia, Malawi 
and Mozambique formed burial societies. Hall (1987) defiaes burial 
societies as local indigenous organizations, which provide mutual help 
and assistance, to members in the event of death or illness. They are a 
non-formal social security arrangement. He observes that they are 
generally seen to offer a measure of financial security in the event of 
bereavement and also cater for some of the other social needs of their 
members. Cormack (1983) notes that burial societies are a product of 
urban living and have evolved to aid the migrant worker who faces 
serious deprivation and social insecurity. 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 145
Accordingrto records from the National Archives, as quoted in Hall, 
bHrial.S0cifetiefi-.had been formed as early as 1919. These were the Sena 
Burial-Society and the Gazaland Burial Society for migrant labourers 
from Mozambique. Ndubiwa (1974) points out that by 1973 they were 
248 registered, burial societies in Bulawayo and also probably an equal 
number: that.were not registered. In another study in 1970, Cormack 
found that therewere many burial societies in Harare (Cormack quoted 
jriHall 198?)1- Burial societies in Zimbabwe evolved during the colonial 
era to protest indigenous people in the towns against the contingency 
oSdeatii^rAiassaciatedprohlems when the erosion of traditional social 
support, systems made'Africans vulnerable to destitution. 
The increase ©fhuriafesocietiis as a result of HIV/AIDS 
The economic downturn has'also been exacerbated by the HIV/A IDS 
crisis..The National AIDSCo-ordination Programme (1999) revealed 
thatat least^OO people -died from AIDS every week in Zimbabwe. As 
some of thesevictims are-breadwinners, their dependants are condemned 
to.dcsftuttoi.'iThis has resulted in the proliferation of burial 
societies. Arnangst-.most Zimbabweans burials have to be carried out 
inadcordanee-vrithitraditionHliM'acticesBnd rituals. Even those who die 
in: town are-:tafcert to. their, ratal homes for burial, usually next to the 
graves-of their relatives.. Theburial is carriecl out by family and community 
mdmberi-whohaveto perform the traditional rituals so that the 
deceased can depart in peace. 
Members of burial societies are usually emitted to a coffin when they 
die as welt asvtfansport to the pjaceof burial and food for the mourners. 
Mourners putibipate in thai burial process and also provide emotional 
and psychological Support to the-bereaved, in rural areas, villagers 
observe days, of raouprring toy not going to work in their fields. To 
ensure that they get a decent and dignified burial both urban and rural 
peoptehaWijoiTierlb&rial;societies; Burials are now very expensive in 
terms of buying the coffiru .paying for transport and feeding mourners. 
The individualistic vaJwesthai accompany modernization have weakened 
the-cohesrvenessaf traditional social support systems, individuals 
nowhave to take/it upon themselves to make the necessary arrangements 
for a decent burial. ••::...••< .••-.,-J 
US JOURNAL' OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT 
The structure of burial societies 
The structure of the 29 burial societies studied was more or less the 
same in all cases. Most have a chairperson, a scheme committee, consisting 
of a secretary, a treasurer and committee members and the 
members of the schemes. The office bearers are chosen by the general 
membership but no specific criterion is used during the selection 
process. All the members state that a person who is known and liked is 
likely to be chosen. This is seen as a disadvantage because some of 
those thus chosen were unable to discharge their duties efficiently. 
Some urban-based societies have branches in other suburbs^ 
Most of the presidents (40%) have held this position for four years 
while 25% have held their office for more than 15 years. Most of the 
office bearers are men even though the membership comprise both men 
and women. Women and children are beneficiaries because the heads 
of household are men, except in cases where the woman is single, 
divorced or widowed. 
Membership composition 
Only 50% (10) of the committee members were able to provide information 
on membership composition. Table VIII shows the composition 
of burial societies. 
Most societies have a membership of between 50-200 families. Given 
an average of four children per family, the estimated number of individuals 
catered for by each burial society is between 300 and 1,200 
people. 
% 
30% 
30% 
10% 
30% 
100% 
TABLE VIII Membership Composition 
Frequency
3
3
1 
• 3 
10 
Range of families 
50-100 families 
101-150 families 
151-200 families 
201-250 families 
TOTAL 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 147
Functions of and contingencies covered by burial societies 
The main contingency covered was death. When members and their 
beneficiaries die, the scheme pays out a certain amount of money, as 
stipulated in the rules of the society. Apart from these economic 
benefits, societies also offer emotional and psychological support to 
the bereaved. This is viewed as important, particularly in urban areas 
where there is little community cohesion. A small percentage of respondents 
receive benefits such as mealie-meal and the payment of 
ambulance fees. One respondent belonged to a scheme which funded 
weddings, but this is an unusual case. 
The second contingency covered is sickness, but only 46% of the 
societies provided this benefit, recognizing that many people get ill 
before they die and, during that period, families require both financial 
and moral support. Nevertheless, no stipulated amount of money is 
given out when someone was sick: members are encouraged to be 
generous and to visit the sick person regularly. 
Capacity and viability of burial societies 
The capacity and viability of burial societies will be considered in 
relation to the administration of the funds and the structures, the level 
of contributions, the benefits and the coverage. Out of 29 burial 
societies, only six benevolent funds are administered by individuals 
who have at least an O level educational qualification. This is viewed 
by most respondents as a major limitation because some burial 
societies had as much as $50,000.00 dollars in their accounts, which 
was not being invested and thus not being protected against inflation. 
No training in bookkeeping and basic financial management is 
offered to committee members. As a result some members believe 
that the funds are being mismanaged, although they cannot provide it. 
A number of members were said to have opted out of burial societies 
because of mismanagement and embezzlement, although the suspects 
had not been reported to the police. 
Another problem is the lack of transparency. Most members do not 
know how much money is in the bank account and complain that they 
never receive information about this. Office bearers point out that to 
provide members with regular quarterly statements involves too much 
148 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba. Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT 
TABLE IX Membership joining fees 
Frequency Percentage 
30% 
10% 
20% 
35% 
6
2
4
7
1 5% 
100% 
Joining fee 
Did not specify amount 
$0-$500.00 
$501.00-$1,000.00 
$1,001.00-$1,500.00 
$1,501.00-$2,000.00 
TOTAL 20 
unpaid work. Some members rarely attend monthly briefing meetings 
and these meetings are not minuted. Some members complain that they 
do not have designated meeting places and, as a result, meetings are 
sometimes held in inappropriate places such as beer-halls. 
Workplace-based benevolent schemes are better organized than other 
burial societies because they have constitutions which clearly lay out 
the terms of reference for office bearers. Their members have a good 
knowledge of how the scheme worked and, because they are all situated 
at the same place, they can make inquiries if necessary. 
Level of contribution 
Members' contributions are a good indicator of whether the scheme is 
able to achieve its objectives. The study revealed that for both burial 
societies and work-based benevolent funds members paid joining fees. 
Table IX shows the level of joining fees paid by members. Most members 
pay a joining fee ranging between Z$501.00 to Z$2,000.00 as well as 
monthly or annual subscription fees as shown in Table X. 
TABLE X: Monthly and yearly subscriptions 
Range Frequency Percentage 
3 $10.00-$50.00 per month 15 
11 $51.00-$100.00 per month 55 
1 $101.00-$150.00 per month 5 
$151.00-$200.00 per month 5 1
2 $200.00-$300.00 per annum 10 
1 $301.00-$400.00 per annum 5 
1 $401.00-$500.00 per annum 5 
20 TOTAL 100% 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 149
Percentage 
10% 
5% 
30% 
25% 
30% 
TABLE XI Amount in the bank account 
Frequency
2
1
6
5
6 
20 100% 
Range 
Don't know 
$500.00 
$5,000.00-$20,000.00 
$20,001.00-$35,000.00 
$35,001.00-$50,000.00 
TOTAL 
Virtually all respondents from burial societies point out that their 
monthly fees are very low, given the number of beneficiaries. While 
they recognize that the subscriptions needed to be increased in order 
for them to benefit meaningfully, most members cannot afford to pay 
more and some had friends who had pulled out of the scheme because 
they could not pay the subscriptions. Only in one case did a retired 
policeman join a burial society, in addition to his funeral insurance. 
Workplace benevolent schemes seemed to fare better than burial 
societies because their members contribute higher rates and they 
therefore have a stronger capacity to meet their members' needs. 
The study established that the societies do have money in their 
banks but the amounts are viewed by respondents as insignificant. 
These are shown in Table XI. 
On average, both burial societies and benevolent funds pay out 
between Z$500.00 and Z$ 10,000 when a member or other beneficiary 
dies. Some burial societies specify that the money must be for the 
coffin and transport (if the person is buried in his or her rural home). 
The benevolent funds tend to be flexible and the bereaved family can 
decide how to spend the money. In addition to financial benefits, 
members of burial societies contribute food such as mealie-meal and 
vegetables. A few provide cement for building the graves. 
All respondents note that the amounts being paid out are not 
adequate, given the fact that funeral costs have gone up significantly 
over the past six years. An ordinary coffin, which about ten years 
previously cost Z$200.00, now costs up to Z$2,000 dollars. Transport 
costs for the corpse have soared. Coupled with this problem was the 
150 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL t7 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
current unavailability of petrol, forcing some people to buy expensive 
black market petrol. 
Feeding mourners is also proving to be expensive because a funeral 
takes on average three days, during which time food for the mourners 
is required. In spite of their contributions, many members found it 
difficult to provide breakfast, lunch and supper, but, without food, the 
funeral is poorly attended. This problem is more acute in the urban than 
rural areas, where community measures are put in place to ensure 
assistance from other members of the community. While all respondents 
noted that they should provide moral and psychological support 
to each other, they felt that the task was becoming very daunting, as to 
fulfil their obligations fully they would have to spend most of their time 
attending funerals and visiting the sick. 
The extend of coverage also has a bearing on the capacity of burial 
societies to achieve their objectives. Burial societies and benevolent 
funds all cater for the members, their spouses and children. Respondents 
noted that this was adequate coverage and, although some felt that 
grandchildren should be covered, they realized that their societies did 
not have the capacity to provide for all family members. 
The capacity of the burial society to realize its objectives is compromised 
by the level of contributions, the benefits and administrative 
structures which were not innovative, given the existing economic 
conditions. Virtually all burial societies funds are in savings accounts, 
which yield very low returns. 
Questions of viability and sustainability are critical to the study. It 
was quite clear that the burial societies are an effective and sustainable 
way of providing some kind of assistance when to bereaved families 
even though this assistance is definitely not adequate. Two major 
external factors have led to this development; the high death rate 
resulting from the HIV/AIDS pandemic and economic problems. 
One chairperson of a society pointed out that in the past, around 
1990, they would have a maximum of two members dying in a year 
whom the society was able to assist to the satisfaction of the bereaved. 
This situation has changed dramatically and members are feeling the 
strain financially and emotionally. The situation is worsened because 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 151
many members are almost destitute when they die and burial societies 
cannot provide much assistance to family members. 
The country's economic problems also affect burial societies. Given 
a situation in which more than 60% of the people are poor and unable 
to meet their basic needs, it is not surprising that some members are 
dropping out of the scheme, in spite of knowing that they would 
require some assistance on bereavement. Retrenchments are-also 
having a negative effect because of loss of income. The workplace used 
to provide some form of security for many workers who would expect 
the company to assist with funeral costs. Nowadays, if they lose their 
job, they have to go back to their rural homes where community mechanisms 
exist. Those who choose to remain in towns must turn to other 
mutual aid groups such as the church, friends and kin. 
Linkages with formal and non-formal schemes 
No burial society has links with any formal organization. Workplace 
benevolent funds operate along parallel lines within their organizations 
and do not co-operate with each other, although some of the members 
belong to more than one burial society as a way of enhancing their 
access to funeral assistance. The societies operate differently. None 
has obtained financial or other assistance from either the government 
or non-govemmental organizations. Not all the members favour outside 
assistance, as they believe that it would compromise their independence. 
Ways of strengthening burial societies 
Burial societies are meeting a need that is not being met by formal 
social security systems. In order for them to be more effective the 
following suggestions were made by respondents: 
• Burial societies must have clearly written constitutions which provide 
a clear framework for operation. Office-bearers need to be 
trained in basic management skills so that they know how to keep 
records and conduct meetings. Non-governmental organizations 
could strengthen the capacity of these office bearers. 
• The level of contributions is very low in relation to the cost of 
funerals. Contributions need to be increased in line with inflation 
rates. This cannot be done, however, without improving the earning 
152 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
capacity of people. Communities therefore need to engage in income-
generating projects. 
Burial societies need to be given information on HIV/AIDS so that 
they can educate their members on the needed for behavioural 
change and the prevention of infection. 
Burial societies could enter into contracts with well-established 
funeral companies so that less expensive transport can be provided 
to their members who have to rely on the exorbitant charges of 
private transport companies. 
Conclusion 
It is evident from the currently high and increasing levels of poverty 
and unemployment that the potential of formal social security schemes 
to increase their coverage is very low. The study has shown that nonformal 
social security arrangements are an important source of social 
protection for most people. What is also evident is that, in spite of the 
popularity and wider coverage of non-formal social security schemes, 
these arrangements have not received meaningful and sufficient support 
from either central government or the donor community. 
The Zunde raMambo project has suffered from a lack of inputs, 
such as seed and fertilizer, which has compromised its sustainability 
and the food security situation of the community. One ministry or 
agency must play the role of co-ordinating and supervising this project. 
As for burial societies, they are playing a very important role although 
they are constrained by a lack of administrative skills and the mability 
of their members to afford higher contributions. Members are 
therefore only able to get minimal benefits. 
In spite of these constraints, burial societies and the Zunde have the 
capacity to extend coverage to grassroots communities and individuals 
and to meet both their immediate and future needs. Addressing the 
constraints would make a positive impact on social security in Zimbabwe. 
VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 153
Recommendations 
The following recommendations arise from the study: 
Zunde raMambo 
• Either government or donor agencies should provide inputs such as 
seed, fertilizer and pesticides on a once-off basis, thus allowing 
communities to become self-reliant by making the Zunde sustainable. 
• Diversification. Though the Zunde is a very popular idea, both at 
government and at community level, agriculture on its own may not 
be a reliable social security measure. It should diversify into other 
income-generating projects. 
• The acreage of land must be increased. 
• Complementary infrastructure and services must be provided, such 
as fencing fields and installing boreholes and irrigation to ensure 
that, even in dry seasons, crop production is sustained. 
• Formal arrangements such as monitoring and evaluation mechanisms 
must be put in place to guide the operations of the Zunde. 
Burial societies 
• Burial societies need to have clearly written constitutions which 
provide a clear framework for operation. 
• Non-governmental organizations and local authorities can assist by 
training office bearers in basic management skills. 
• Burial societies need to be given the capacity to engage in incomegenerating 
projects so that they can raise their contributions and 
improve their benefits. 
• Burial societies need to be encouraged to enter into contracts with 
funeral undertakers so that they can benefit from their expertise and 
financial capacity. 
• Members should be informed about HIV/AIDS in order to ensure 
their longevity and the viability of their societies. 
154 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002
Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT 
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