Journal of Social Development in Africa (1998), 13,2,55-74 
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 
LENGWE-KATEMBULA MWANSA, TAOLO LUCAS, 
KWAKU OSEI-HWEDIE * 
Introduction 
This paper is a product of the social policy project, sponsored by the International 
Development Centre (IDRC), Canada, to foster a common understanding of social 
policies as they impact on socioeconomic development processes in Southern and 
Eastern Africa. The main objective of the project was to examine the overall social 
policy dynamics in Botswana with respect to formulation, implementation and 
evaluation and the underlying factors involved. In addition to this, it was hoped that 
the project would help to anticipate the direction of future social policy. The project 
sought to address several questions, including: the core areas of the policy process; 
the major features of social policy; the nature of intersectoral linkages in policy and 
the significant factors in these linkages; the determinants of the policy agenda at 
various levels; and the research strategies that can be used to influence the social 
policy process. 
The approaches used for data collection were both qualitative and quantitative. 
Focused group interviews and review of official documents formed the basis of 
qualitative data. The focused group discussions consisted of semi-structured 
interviews with small groups of people, usually between 3 and 6. Interviewees 
were those familiar with issues in given policy areas from government, NGOs, and 
communities. The idea was to capture the subjective experiences of persons 
exposed to particular policy issues and to ascertain their understanding of the 
issues. 
The Evolution of Social Policy in Botswana 
The evolution of social policy traces the development of different social policies 
from the pre-colonial period to the present day Botswana. It is evident that 
problems in the pre-colonial period were addressed through the primary institutions 
of social support such as the family, next of kin, chieftainship system, 
benevolent neighbours as well as community members. 
The colonial period saw the birth of statutory social policies which by and large 
catered for the expatriate European workers of the colony. With independence in 
1966, a conscious effort was made to promote capital investment in mining with 
* Department of Social Work, University of Botswana, P Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana
56 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
a view to trickling down the benefits of such investment to the masses, particularly 
in the rural areas. 
In the early 1970s Botswana achieved budgetary self-sufficiency and a variety 
of social policies were formulated to address problems in the areas of health, 
housing, education, employment and social welfare. An assessment of these 
policies has revealed that they did in fact cause deep inequalities between classes 
and the struggle at the moment is to formulate policies that would cater for the 
stratum of the population that was by-passed by earlier development policies. 
The policy agenda and process are dominated by the bureaucratic and technocratic 
elite. This is because political representatives and civil society are weak. To 
a lesser extent, international considerations are a factor in the determination of 
policy formulation and direction, especially with respect to policies for the 
Basarwa (ie, the indigenous San peoples) and women. 
It is observed that the process of social policy formulation is dominated by the 
central government, particularly the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning 
which has an overall jurisdiction over the formulation of National Development 
Plans (NDP). Other structures which exist such as District- and village-level 
institutions are consulted in the complex processes, but their interventions are 
normally disregarded. For instance, input to the policy process by the District 
Development Committees is normally not accorded the significance it deserves. In 
spite of this, critical linkages between government, non-governmental organisations 
and the private sector seem to be taking root and the influence of such 
organisations in the policy process is apparent. 
As regards social policy research, it appears that research which normally 
informs government policy decisions is that which is sanctioned and sponsored by 
government. The conception of social policy, therefore, emphasises the centrality 
of the government in the construction of social policies and the role of private and 
non-governmental organisations as mainly supplementary to those of government. 
However, the contribution of informal networks of care and support are recognised 
and acknowledged. 
The evolution of social policy in Botswana can be traced though three distinct 
historical periods: the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial. In each of these 
times, the obtaining socioeconomic, cultural and political conditions dictated the 
form and nature of social policy. 
Pre-Colonial Period 
In the pre-colonial period, response to needs was situated within the traditional 
tribal framework with the extended family playing a major role. The neighbours, 
community members and the chief all played a pivotal role in addressing need. The
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 57 
chief who was the highest political authority intervened during times of droughtor 
poor harvest. When the British colonised Botswana in 1885, they decided to retain 
most of the traditional institutions. However a conscious decision was taken to 
spend as little money as possible in Bechuanaland as the country offered very little 
or no opportunities for viable investment All responses to needs were to be met 
through the traditional tribal structures. 
Tswana societies, before contact with the Europeans, were relatively selfsufficient 
agricultural economies. The sense of community obligation was very 
real and most needs were addressed within the family and tribal framework. 
Children, the aged and the disabled were cared for by various members of the 
family in a fixed order of responsibility. Provision of such essential services as 
housing was the responsibility of household heads assisted by relatives, neighbours 
and other members of the community. The poor members of the community 
also benefited from affluent members of society through such institutionalised 
systems (at that time) as the mafisa in which those who were well-endowed in terms 
of cattle could lend some of their stock to those who did not have cattle. The chief 
who was the highest political authority amongst communities, occasionally 
collected levies from his subjects which were used for public undertakings and 
sustenance of communities in times of hunger and economic strife. By 1800, 
according to Parsons (1980), the economy of Tswana societies was based on 
extensive cattle production and food crops, supplemented by hunting. 
Colonial Period, 1885 -1966 
The colonisation of Botswana by the British in 1885 marked the beginning of a long 
process which culminated into rapid changes in the social, cultural, political and 
economic structures of Tswana societies. Botswana was of strategic importance to 
British expansionism to the North, but the country did not offer any meaningful 
opportunities for capital investment The main interest of the British was metropolitan 
South Africa. In this regard, the British adopted a deliberate policy of 
spending as little as possible in Tswana communities. To achieve this the British 
adopted indirect rule as a strategy of governance. This entailed ruling the colony 
through the local chiefs and as much as it was convenient, retaining the social 
relations of production and consumption. 
A system of taxes was introduced to generate income for the provision of 
minimal services in the territory: first the Hut Tax in 1899, followed by the Native 
Tax in 1919. The revenue accruing from such taxes was to be used for financing 
African education, medical developments and the eradication of cattle diseases. 
In 1932 all adult males above 18 years old became taxable. During this time, 
major responsibility for the provision of social services rested on communities and
58 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
missionaries. However, education, housing and health services were subsidised for 
Europeans by the colonial government. 
When the tax system was made compulsory in the 1930s, large numbers of 
Batswana men migrated to the South African mines to earn a wage that they could 
use to pay tax and remit to their families periodically. The British, through local 
chiefs, administratively facilitated this migration, and according to Parsons (1980), 
by 1940, there were 18411 persons from Bechuanaland (now Botswana) who were 
at work in South Africa. By 1943,nearly half of allmales between 15-44 years were 
away from Bechuanaland. This state of affairs undermined and distorted the 
traditional structure of the Tswana society. Agriculture which was the mainstay of 
Tswana societies collapsed as a result of the absence of men. Traditional informal 
helping networks also suffered a great deal of strain. The extended family unit 
which was the custodian of all dependent members of society also received some 
battering. 
It could thus be safely argued that the migrant labour system marked the 
beginning of the end of relative self-sufficiency for Tswana communities. Most 
families were condemned to poverty and hunger of immense proportions. 
Parsons (1980:1) observes that: 
"...by 1939, a Botswana child could look forward to a malnourished and 
uneducated childhood; grow up to spend his/her adult energies as a hired 
labour for low wages; and at old age become impoverished and a burden 
on his/her children." 
This observation sums up the situation of Batswana after the 1930s and beyond. In 
spite of this evidence of poverty, disease and ignorance, there were no systematic 
efforts to improve the quality of life of the people of the Protectorate. The British 
Government still showed very little enthusiasm to develop social welfare policies 
that could assist the people of Botswana. All welfare activities, during this time, reemphasised 
the centrality of the extended family and community organisations in 
alleviating social problems and meeting the needs of the people. 
After the Second World War, however some interest was shown in welfare 
matters. In 1946, a welfare officer was appointed and shortly thereafter the 
Bechuanaland Soldiers' Benefit Fund (BSBF) was established. The Fund was to 
assist ex-servicemen to re-establish themselves in the economy, through the 
purchase of plough-oxen and agricultural machinery. 
Developments in such areas as education, housing, and health were very slow 
during this time. Government-funded services mainly catered for the British 
expatriate workers in the colony. The few missionaries then assisted with the 
provision of multi-racial services in education and health. The colonial govern-
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 59 
ment, in the 1930s and 1940s, continued to reiterate, in successive reports, that its 
major role was to assist communities to be self-reliant, and yet there was no 
provision for the necessary institutional and financial requisites to enable communities 
to realise their aspirations. To the British Government, the emphasis on selfreliance 
was a cost-saving strategy rather than a well-thought-out plan to assist 
impoverished communities. 
Around 1955, the colonial Government altered its development strategy. The 
winds of nationalism were sweeping across Africa and independence for Botswana 
was imminent. However, there was no national economy to support an independent 
nation, and the British panicked somewhat. The state of the country and its 
population was deplorable. This was a heavy indictment on the colonial government, 
and hence some desperate measures were needed to hurriedly correct the 
situation. 
In 1955, the grant-in-aid was resumed and within three years it formed one-third 
of the recurrent budget, and by 1963-64 one-half of the same budget. In addition 
to the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund, international loans, especially 
from the British Treasury, increased rapidly between 1955 and 1965. The development 
expenditure increased tenfold to about US$2,5 million. Alot of this money 
was used to finance new infrastructural developments for the headquarters of the 
executive branch which was moved from Mafikeng to Gaborone. 
Otherprojects financed included those contained in theProtectorate'sFive Year 
Development Plan published in 1963. Among issues of social policy significance 
at the time was the expansion and improvement of facilities for formal education 
and training; improvement of medical facilities; provision of housing for government 
officers; provision of social welfare; provision of a territorial broadcasting 
station for purposes of education, information and entertainment; performance of 
basic social surveys and provision of such other infrastructure that would facilitate 
productive investment. 
Post-colonial period, 1966-1972 
At independence, Botswana was one of the poorest countries in the world with per 
capita GNP of less than US$50. Education and health services were rudimentary 
and inadequate. Available schools were crowded. There was no comprehensive 
housing policy. Employment opportunities were very limited as there were no 
industries and the government could only employ a few people, most of whom were 
expatriates with superior educational attainments. These problems could only be 
addressed through foreign and donor assistance. As a long-term strategy, however, 
the post-colonial government adopted the Transitional Plan for Social and Economic 
Development which aimed at making Botswana a financially viable entity
60 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
within the shortest possible time. To do this, a conscious decision was taken by 
government to intensify investments in mining so as to achieve rapid and large 
returns which could be ploughed back into improving the living standards of those 
who did not benefit directly from the mining sector. 
Thus, developments in the social sector initially, were minimal. This strategy 
worked in part in that within seven years of Botswana's independence, the country 
achieved budgetary self-sufficiency and the stage was set to undertake a major 
assault on the problems of the majority of the people. 
A range of programmes and infrastructural programmes were put in place after 
1973. However, this development was concentrated in the urban areas to the 
detriment of rural areas resulting into thedisparities between the rural and the urban 
areas which have since continued to widen. 
Developments in Social Policy, 1973-1990 
Between 1973 and 1990, Botswana's economic growth rate was ranked among the 
fastest and highest in the world, averaging an annual growth rate of 13%. The 
mineral sector's contribution to GDP and national revenue increased substantially 
during the '70s and '80s. Real GDP per capita increased almost tenfold between 
independence and the 1990s. As a consequence, expenditure in all areas of social 
and economic infrastructure as well as in defence increased considerably (Hope, 
1996). The Accelerated Rural Development Programme was one of the most 
significant post-1972 social policy initiatives. The policy sought to provide basic 
infrastructure in the rural areas. 
Several primary schools were built, health facilities were expanded and other 
infrastructure such as roads were constructed. It is also during this time that such 
entities as the Botswana Housing Corporation and Self-Help Housing Agency 
were born to respond to the housing problems of the time. Efforts to improve 
agriculture through such schemes as the Tribal Grazing Land Policy (TGLP) were 
also initiated in the 1970s. This decade also saw the birth of welfare measures to 
cater for the Basarwa, starting with the Bushmen Development Programme, which 
later became the Remote Area Development Programme. In the 1970s, primary 
school enrolments increased. 
The 1980s saw the ascendancy of the principle of universal nine-year basic 
education which was endorsed by the 1977 education policy commonly referred 
to as "Education for Kagisano." This led to the introduction of free education and 
"^ exponential rise in the number of community junior secondary schools. This 
was not accompanied by a corresponding increase in the number of senior 
secondary schools as well as vocational training institutions.
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 61 
In health, significant progress was achieved between 1973 and 1990. Health 
facilities as well as trained personnel have increased substantially. Through a 
system of decentralised health services and the adoption of the Primary Health 
Care strategy, the health status of the nation has recorded positive trends in almost 
all the indices that are customarily used to measure progress in this sector. The 
infant mortality rate declined from 100 in 1971, to 45 in 1991. Under-five mortality 
also declined from 147 in 1971 to 109 in 1981, to 56 in 1991. Maternal mortality 
had declined to about 200/100,000 in 1991. The population within 15km and 8km 
to the nearest health post also increased significantly. 
The period between 1973 and 1990 also witnessed the rapid development of the 
housing sector, but unlike education and health, this sector was mainly concentrated 
in the urban areas to cater for the large numbers of people who migrated to 
the urban areas to seek or take up employment. The housing sector has mainly been 
dominated by the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC), a parastatal corporation 
established in 1970, to provide rental accommodation for Bats wana on a non-profit 
basis. 
The BHC only served a proportion of the upper lower-income people to the total 
exclusion of the low-income. Even then, the BHC could not cope with the demand 
for housing as evidenced by long waiting lists. Because the BHC did not cater for 
low-income households, alow-income housing scheme, Self-Help Housing Agency 
(SHHA) was conceived. Initially it was largely sponsored by donors, with the 
government playing a much more active role in the 1980s. SHHA benefited quite 
a large proportion of the low-income people, but it could not meet the housing 
demand in most urban centres. In all this, the rural areas were left out. 
Despite increased expenditures in such sectors as health, education, housing and 
others related to social development, poverty has remained a persistent problem 
that affectsa substantial proportion of thepopulation. Duncan, etal (1994) attribute 
poverty to harsh climatic conditions, which lead to low and variable agricultural 
production; lack of employment opportunities; lack of skills; and limited access to 
such productive assets as cattle, draught power, water, productive land, labour and 
credit. These have been exacerbated by high population growth and a rapidly 
degrading environment Duncan, et al (1994) argue that income distribution is 
highly skewed in Botswana. Most people's incomes are below US$2 590, which 
is the per capita income figure of the country. This assertion follows Granberg and 
Parkinson (1988) who indicate that the Gini Coefficient for Botswana was 0,52 in 
1974 and 0,73 in 1987. The 1985/86 Household Income and Expenditure Survey 
(HIES) found that 50% of rural households were living below the Poverty Datum 
Line (PDL); 40% of households earned only 11% of the total cash and in-kind 
income; the middle 40% earned 28% of the total income; while 20% earned 61% 
of the total income. Rural and female-headed households fared even worse 
(Duncan, et al, 1994).
62 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
Government has for a long time acknowledged the existence of poverty, but it 
has, until the late 1970s, been reluctant to directly intervene in the alleviation of 
poverty. The Government tended to shift such responsibility to the traditional 
structures of social support. In the late 1970s and early 1980s aplethora of policies 
emerged to wage a direct assault on poverty. In this regard, a number of agricultural 
policies emerged, the most significant of which was the Arable Land Development 
Programme (ALDEP). ALDEP targeted small farmers with less than forty head of 
cattle. Through the scheme, farmers could obtain donkeys, cattle, ploughs, water 
tanks and cultivators. The other programme whose coverage included larger-scale 
farmers, the Accelerated Rain-fed Arable production was introduced a few years 
after ALDEP. It entitled fanners to some payment for ploughing, de-stumping, 
planting in rows and weeding. 
Drought-induced poverty was tackled by such schemes as the labour-based 
Drought Relief Programmes which employed rural people in various community 
development projects such as road construction, construction of VDC houses, 
erection ofkgotla shelters and other projects deemed important by communities. 
Other programmes included the supplementary feeding programme for school 
children and the direct feeding program for under-weight or malnutritioned 
children. The Destitute Policy has, over the years, benefited a lot of people who 
passed the eligibility criteria, but at the same time it has also excluded large 
numbers of people. In addition to this policy, there is the Remote Area Development 
Programme which was established in the 1970s to assist people residing in 
the remote rural areas, a majority of whom are the Basarwa. This Programme has 
been generously supported by donors. In 1996 the Old Age Pension scheme was 
introduced. This schemes entitles everyone over 65 years to a P100 monthly 
allowance. The scheme is ill-targeted in the sense that everyone will benefit 
irrespective of their income status and inadequate in the sense that the amount 
involved is insufficient to meet household requirements, of the elderly who often 
have the burden of caring for their grandchildren. 
Social Policy And Environmental Issues 
j 
In Botswana, discussions of policy and the environment centre on agriculture that j 
is both pastoral and arable. The country, with a semi-arid climate characterised by ! 
unreliable rainfall and periodic droughts has posed several policy dilemmas for the 
government. In the determination of policies, the government has attempted to 
mitigate the effects of the harsh climatic conditions on the people, especially in 
view of the ever-existing possibilities of crop failure or loss of cattle due to drought 
and very little rainfall. One such intervention by government was the Tribal
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 63 
Grazing Land Policy (TGLP) of 1975 which was aimed at stopping overgrazing 
through: 
"...the creation of commercial leasehold ranches for those with large 
livestock numbers; increasing cattle productivity through improved range 
and livestock management (paddocking, rotational grazing, selective breeding, 
etc) and promoting social equity. Commercial leasehold ranches were 
supposed to leave room for small farmers to expand; and upgrading rural 
quality of life by improving incomes from cattle" (Mufune, 1995:24-25). 
Contrary to its intended goals, TGLP led to land alienation and degradation of 
immense proportions. Observers also cite TGLP as having contributed substantially 
to the impoverishment of the rural people. Selolwane (1995), in this 
connection, maintains that development policy has enabled big cattle ranchers to 
put their short-term interest for profit before that of the welfare of the poor and 
judicious exploitation of the environment. 
Social Policy in the 1990s and Beyond 
The developing situation of the country has presented new challenges, dilemmas 
and paradoxes that have a direct bearing on the development of social policy. 
Notably, these changes have necessitated some shift in the socioeconomic strategy 
of the day. The government has since openly embraced a private sector-led, open 
market strategy. Prior to the 1990s, the government had always been identified 
with the mixed economy approach. The extent to which the market approach has 
been followed in the last five years is not yet clear, but government has introduced 
a number of reforms including the liberalisation of exchange controls, the reduction 
of company tax and other economic reforms consistent with the International 
Monetary Fund and World Bank prescriptions. 
The question then is - what does this mean to such public services as education, 
health, housing and other social services, as well as subsidies in the area of 
agriculture? In the case of housing, the effects are already felt by many people. 
Botswana Housing Corporation is retrenching employees as well as increasing 
rentals on its properties. This is likely to impoverish many households. The number 
of people who cannot afford decent accommodation is likely to rise, and so is the 
number of people who will be completely without accommodation. In the area of 
education and health, it is likely that there will be a proliferation of private services. 
Private services in health are already available as is the case with the Gaborone 
Private Hospital and numerous other private surgeries, especially in the urban 
areas. In education, private education facilities are likely to increase. These private
64 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
services which presumably provide quality services will continue to benefit a 
handful of affluent people. Standards in the public sector are likely to deteriorate 
especially that government spending is likely to go down. 
As the government seeks ways of playing a minimal role in the provision of 
services, there are very interesting developments in the civil and political sphere 
which have an enormous bearing on the future of social policy. The civil society 
is getting stronger and very influential. Women's groups, the press, human rights 
lobbyists and youth organisations are putting pressure on the government to 
provide services and opportunities for the marginalised and the disadvantaged. 
These developments have presented a dilemma for the government The culture of 
entitlement in the general population has been effectively cultivated and maintained 
at a time when the government seeks to discourage it However, it appears 
there are some activities in the social sector as demonstrated by the passage of 
policies and programmes related to youth, the disabled, and women and health. 
Determinants of Social Policy 
Available information suggests at least four principal determinants of social policy 
in Botswana. First is the conservative, butpragmatic economic philosophy that has 
been pursued by the Botswana state since independence. The second relates to 
political expediency which has seen the introduction of policies and programmes 
on the eve of election years. Third, is the influence of a bureaucratic and 
technocratic elite. Lastly, there is pressure to conform to international expectations. 
All these factors have conspired to shape the direction of social policy in 
Botswana. It is worth noting that, depending on the policy one looks at, the 
influence of any one factor or set of factors will differ significantly. 
Economic Conservatism 
Botswana's social policy agenda has been largely influenced by a conservative but 
pragmatic economic philosophy. Throughout the independence years, Botswana's 
economic philosophy emphasised the need for sound development planning and 
management, characterised by a prudent but conservative fiscal and monetary 
regime. In this connection, every effort was made to ensure that all policies pursued 
did not place undue burden on the financial resources of the state. In fact, most 
social policies in Botswana were only pursued after the country had attained 
budgetary self-sufficiency in the early 1970s. Even then, all efforts were made to 
ensure that favourable or positive balance of payments were achieved.
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 65 
Political Expediency as a Determinant of Policy 
Some evidence abounds which attests to political expediency as a determinant of 
policy in Botswana. The Accelerated Rural Development Programme (ARDP) and 
the Arable Land Grazing Programme (ALDEP) preceded the 1974 and 1979 
general elections. Therefore, some people believe that the policies were introduced 
for purposes of the political survival of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party. The 
ARDP, Picard (1987) observes, was introduced in 1974 by the Botswana Democratic 
Party government so that it could perpetuate its political hegemony in the 
rural areas. According to Picard (1987), a presidential directive was issued 
ordering the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning to ensure that projects 
were visible on the ground by September 30th 1974, which was twenty-one days 
before the general elections. The timing of such an exercise clearly points to the real 
possibility of political manoeuvring by the ruling party. 
It is argued that lately, the government has introduced the Old Age Pension 
Scheme in the aftermath of the 1994 elections during which the opposition won 
more seats than usual. The Old Age Pension Scheme is seen in some quarters as an 
appeasement of the elderly electorate ahead of the 1999 general elections. It is in 
the same light that the policies for the youth, women and the disabled are viewed. 
There has also been the Vision 2016 task force which is charged with the 
responsibility of developing a long-term vision for Botswana. All these have 
happened after the 1994 elections and observers see this enthusiasm as nothing but 
"politics as usual" by the ruling party to pacify certain constituents. 
The Influence of the Bureaucratic and Technocratic Elite 
The bureaucratic elites in Botswana are very powerful and have significant 
influence on the social policy agenda. The organs of civil society in Botswanahave 
been relatively weak. Opposition political parties have, for a long time, been 
fragmented and uncoordinated, thus allowing a de facto one party arrangement 
Given this situation, an educated, mostly expatriate bureaucratic and technocratic 
elite dictated terms in the policy arena. 
International Expectations, Considerations and Influence 
There is a body of opinion which sees the social policy agenda in Botswana as 
nothing but responses to international expectations. This view is not widely 
documented in the literature but there is evidence that some policies in Botswana 
have been formulated either with the direct intervention of international donor 
agencies or through local NGOs sponsored and wholly support by international 
donors. For instance, Basarwa development issues have been put on the agenda by 
international donors, especially those from the Nordic countries. These donors and
66 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas &K Osei-Hwedie 
their governments have directly or indirectly put pressure on the Botswana 
government to institute policies and programmes that would cater for this particular 
population group. The Government has reluctantly obliged, hence the introduction 
of such policies as the Remote Area Development Programme. 
The invisible hand of the international community was also felt at the time of 
the Boro Dredging project which was halted as a result of the intervention of the 
local communities and the Greenpeace Movement Some people believe that if 
Greenpeace had not intervened the Dredging Project would have gone ahead 
despite protests from local communities. The Government also came into the 
spotlight regarding the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Government 
only acceded to this Convention when international pressure mounted. In all these, 
it could be discerned that the government of Botswana has a history of seeking to 
preserve its image in the international community and where possibilities for its 
image to be tarnished in the international community arise, the government has 
always responded promptly. 
The Social Policy Linkages 
Consultation, or therisanyo in Setswana, places a character of democracy on the 
Tswana traditional society (Ngcongo, 1989). Most observers of the Tswana polity 
tend to link consultation with citizen participation with regard to the policy process. 
This is because citizens are consulted at the kgotla,; consultation, therefore, has 
always been highly appreciated and recognised as a critical element of governance 
(Stredman, 1993). 
Although the concept of consultation is officially afforded a high profile in the 
policy system in Botswana, it is, in fact, top civil servants who dominate the policymaking 
process (Molutsi & Holm, 1990). They initiate discussion of issues 
through commissioned studies which usually result in a series of proposals. 
Ministries then conduct policy debates among themselves and interministerial 
committees constitute the arenas in which decisions are made. These committees 
cover all major concerns of government, including, housing, drought relief, 
conservation, rural development, and land use. The Ministry of Finance and 
Development Planning oversees the whole process, setting budget priorities and 
directing investment of government's vast financial reserves (National Development 
Plan 7,1991). This Ministry, therefore, sets the limits and parameters within 
which the structures of decision-making such as Village Development Committees, 
District Development Committees, National District Development Conferences 
as well as Interministerial Committees operate.
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 67 
Thus the public often witnesses little in the form of a policy debate unless a 
ministry decides to engage in some form of consultation. When this happens, a 
conference may be organised or ministry officials may tour the country holding 
traditional kgotlas where they explain their proposals. In Botswana, the kgotla, the 
meeting-place in front of the chief's residence, is the traditional forum for debate 
and discussion of local issues (Ngcongo, 1989). The kgotla has been used to 
promote, for instance, a national conservation policy, and the discussion of 
population and abortion issues. Whatever form the consultation takes, the debate 
is usually limited to matters of implementation. 
Currently, the kgotla is primarily used for explaining government policies to 
communities. The expectation is that criticism should be offered in a non-partisan 
manner which means that party activists cannot determine who attends and who 
speaks in the kgotla. A community's reaction to a particular proposal, therefore, 
tends to be spontaneous but ineffective. There is a tradition in Botswana that all 
points of view must be heard. Despite this, it is expected that government leaders 
speak with one voice. 
The ideal is that elected officials are given mandates by the people through 
kgotla discussions. They are expected to report back to the kgotla after legislative 
action has taken place, but before the Bill becomes law. Civic leaders are expected 
to go back to the people or their representatives with the draft legislation to ensure 
that the mandate has been captured by the instrument. This popular control 
sometimes works but often the reality is different. Many councillors and some of 
the older Members of Parliament do not even hold the required kgotlas and, if they 
are held, attendance is often poor and dominated by older, less politically active 
members of the community. In addition, politicians often lecture to the people 
rather than seek their views which allows little opportunity for upward communication. 
Interest Groups 
The state has some influence on interest groups such as co-operatives, farmers' 
organisations, and parent-teachers associations, in the form of financial support 
and the imposition of model constitutions; therefore these groups operate within 
government frameworks. The absence of a large number of politicised social 
groups in Botswana means that elected officials must solicit the public directly if 
they are to keep informed of the feelings and needs of the people with regard to 
policy matters. Because of this, the kgotla has, in recent times, enjoyed a 
resurgence of acceptability as a medium through which consultation takes place.
68 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
Top-Down Practice In The Policy Process 
All the ministries in Botswana have an organisational chart delineating the 
structural linkages from the minister at the top to the lowest formal government 
institution at grassroots level: for example, in the Ministry of Health, institutional 
linkages begin with the Minister of Health and descend through the Permanent 
Secretary and the Deputy Permanent Secretary to the district level, and then to the 
Village Health Committee which is a sub-committee of the Village Development 
Committee. Similarly, in Education, the process starts with the Minister, then 
proceeds down through the Permanent Secretary, to the Deputy Permanent 
Secretaries and Heads of Departments. It then goes to the education officers at the 
regional level, then to the district level, and finally to the headteachers of schools 
and their Parent Teachers Association (Ministry of Education, Third and Fourth 
Biennial Reports, 1989-91; 1992-93). 
When policy initiatives are transmitted in a top-down fashion they quite often 
take the form of directives rather than consultations, and this obviously does not 
allow for peoples' participation in formulation. They are, in fact, expected to 
become involved in the implementation process, whether they agree with it or not 
(Harvey & Lewis, 1990). This is the point, perhaps, at which policy may experience 
difficulty in being translated into reality. This top-down practice in the policy 
formulation process points to some degree of centralised governance (Schaefer & 
Lamb, 1995). Despite Botswana's democratic stance, the country continues with 
the top-down approach to policy, perhaps because of the advantages associated 
with guiding people at grassroots level in a country experiencing phenomenal 
social, economic, political, and cultural change. 
The failure of participation to empower people is partly attributable to the fact 
that, by and large, participation in the policy process and development occurs 
within hierarchical or patriarchal structures that tend to conserve the status quo and 
do not attempt to change and fundamentally restructure social relations. 
Special Linkages 
There are certain situations in which government adopts special mechanisms for 
interaction and co-ordination in the policy process. Notably, there is a special 
arrangement between the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Local Government, 
Lands and Housing whereby policy formulation is the ultimate responsibility 
of the Ministry of Health (although the Interministerial Committee plays a part 
in the process), while the Ministry of Local Government, Lands and Housing is an 
integral part of the implementation of health policy together with various organs 
of the Ministry of Health.
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 69 
Linkages With External Agencies 
Government has a general framework of establishing linkages with non-governmental 
organisations, including bilateral and multilateral agencies as there is a 
recognition that these bodies can make a significant contribution to the well-being 
of the people. Examples include: The Swedish International Development Agency 
(SIDA), the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) International 
Development Research Centre (IDRC) - bilateral agencies; and the United 
Nations DevelopmentProgramme (UNDP), the World Bank, and the International 
Monetary Fund - multilateral agencies. The input of these organisations tends to 
enrich the policy process as it substantially complements government's contribution. 
In fact, for example, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education have 
a liaison with external agencies at the permanent secretary level so that concerns 
may be raised by both sides. (Ministry of Education, Third and Fourth Biennial 
Reports, 1989-91,1992-93). 
Linkages With Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) 
Given the democratic atmosphere that has prevailed in the country since independence 
it can be postulated that possibilities to influence policy and decision-making 
by civil society have existed. The possibilities have actually materialised into 
substantial efforts to forge links between non-governmental organisations (NGOs) 
and the state, so as to foster collaboration, partnership, and participation. The state 
realises that NGOs' contribution, quite often, demonstrates the extent to which the 
disadvantaged at personal, group, or community level can be empowered. 
However, the difficulty in involving the NGOs arises when there is no official 
framework or linkage between the state and the NGOs (Farrington, et al, 1993). In 
Botswana, until recently, there has been a lack of an overall NGO body to provide 
a framework for organisational cooperation with the state. The Botswana Coordinating 
Non-Governmental Organisation (BOCONGO) was founded to provide a 
structure for the non-governmental organisations to mutually cooperate with the 
state in various endeavours. BOCONGO was invited by the government to provide 
input into National Development Plan 8 and also to sit on the reference committee 
for the poverty study undertaken by the Botswana Institute for Development Policy 
Analysis (BIDPA). 
The creation of BOCONGO and the existence of the informal mechanisms of 
linkage provide democratic arrangements for the civil organs to effectively 
participate in policy processes in Botswana. What this means is that policy 
initiation can be realised through BOCONGO after consultation has taken place.
70 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
Private Sector Linkages 
In order to promote national development the government of Botswana has four 
basic objectives, namely: sustained development; rapid economic growth, economic 
independence; and social justice (NDP 7, 1991). The current strategy 
adopted to realise these objectives comprises a move away from traditional 
government domination of the economy to a more liberalised private sector focus 
(Third Term Review, NDP 7,1994). This is premised on the understanding that the 
private sector will provide the major engine of growth within the country's 
economy. Therefore, it has become necessary for government to establish formal 
institutions in order to provide an enabling environment for the private sector (and 
thus the country as a whole), to prosper. This enabling environment in the main, 
consists of institutions, networks, and both formal and informal channels of 
communication to allow for free exchange of ideas and information, and the 
delineation of respective roles and responsibilities (Lewis, 1993). 
TheBotswanaConfederationofCommerceJndustry and Manpower (BOCCIM), 
a private, non-profit organisation registered under the Trade Unions and Employers' 
Organisation Act of 1983, provides the mechanism for interaction between 
government and the private sector. BOCCIM has 1 500 corporate members who 
are organised, at grassroots level, in business councils which operate in 14 centres 
(city, town, and village) throughout the country. 
BOCCIM has representation on governmental and non-governmental boards 
or committees such as the Labour Advisory Board, NEMIC, Incomes and Manpower 
Sub-Committee, Medium Wages Advisory Board, Productive Employment 
Technical Committee, Factories Advisory Board, Central Bursaries Committee, 
National Conservation Strategy Advisory Board, Botswana Medical Aid and 
AIDS in the Workplace. Horizontal and vertical linkages with government and 
other institutions forge a network of communication which assists in both the 
formulation and implementation of policy mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation 
facilitate mutuality of interest and process. 
Social Policy Research And Planning 
In Botswana, there is no central research organisation that coordinates research 
activities in the country. However, a number of research institutions exist whichare 
either government, non-government or autonomous. Government research institutions 
directly inform policy and most of them are situated within government 
ministries. They include the Central Statistics Office (CSO) which is housed in the 
Ministry of Finance and Development Planning. The CSO mainly focuses on the 
gathering, collection and analysis of data of a socioeconomic nature. This informa-
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 71 
tion helps to define the socioeconomic profile of Botswana with the ultimate aim 
of motivating the evolution of appropriate policy responses by concerned structures 
of government. The CSO also coordinates the National Population and 
Housing Census that is conducted after every ten years. The census provides a rich 
source of information on most indicators of the quality of life such as housing, 
education, employment situation, health and the general welfare of citizens. 
Again within the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, there exists 
an evaluation and research sub-committee of the National Council for Population 
and Development This sub-committee, chaired by the government statistician, is 
mandated to facilitate the development and use of statistics and other relevant 
methods to monitor progress and impact of programmes and policies; to provide 
relevant research on policies, programmes and issues, especially under the Family 
Planning impact analysis and vital statistics support; to identify and build institutional 
capacity to meet training, research and advocacy needs for different sections 
of the population, and support and coordinate their use; to advise and promote the 
active functioning of the data bank; and finally to provide any other technical 
advisory services as may be required from time to time by the council towards the 
achievement of the nation's objectives in population and related development field 
(Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, 1995). 
Other government research units situated in Ministries include the Applied 
Research Unit in the Ministry of Local Government, Lands and Housing; Health 
Research Unit in the Ministry of Health, and the Agricultural Research Unit in the 
Ministry of Agriculture. The main foci of these research units is to identify priority 
policy areas and programmes as well as to evaluate the impact of existing policies. 
The National Institute of Research and Documentation at the University of 
Botswana is yet another important research centre which is playing a critical role 
in policy research. The Research Institute was established mainly to meet the 
research needs of the University of Botswana. However, over time it has embarked 
on policy research which has largely influenced policy direction in a number of 
critical areas of national interest. Non-governmental organisations such as Women 
andLaw in Southern Africa, Emang Basadi and other organisations have embarked 
on small-scale research, particularly in the area of gender and social development. 
Other notable research studies have been carried out among the Basarwa people. 
The Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis (BIDPA), is another 
organisation of special interest. It is an autonomous, non-governmental research 
institute established by a deed of trust. BIDPA's two areas of focus are development 
policy analysis and capacity building. Although Botswana is the main area 
of concentration, the whole of southern Africa may be covered in a regional thrust. 
The initiative for the formation of BIDPA came from government, notably from 
the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning. This seems to indicate that
72 L-K Mwansa; T Lucas & K Osei-Hwedie 
there is a felt need for the circumvention of the bureaucratic process, even from the 
bureaucrats themselves, and an understanding that by moving outside the official 
government framework, the system may operate with greater effectiveness, 
efficiency, economy, and speed. Thus government itself is aware of the need for 
linkages with other sectors of the community in the field of research, analysis and 
formulation of social policy. 
A major study on poverty has been conducted on behalf of government This 
involves also a critical review of the Destitute Policy which has not been updated 
since 1980 apart from periodic incremental adjustments in the value of material 
assistance for those registered as destitute. The study also focus on basic education 
policy, the Labour Based Public Works Programme, preventive health measures, 
the Financial Assistance Policy (FAP), and The Arable Land Development 
Programme (ALDEP). The second phase of the study involved drawing up an 
action plan for the future, based on a synthesis of the data, including foreip 
comparatives. 
Obstacles to Effective Research and Planning 
Some research data are not utilised for informing policy decisions. There are a 
number of reasons for this state of affairs. First, research carried out by academics 
and other independent bodies are looked at with suspicion by the government. They 
are considered critical and anti-govemment and as such they are least preferred for 
policy decisions. Second, research undertaken by non-government bodies are 
normally small-scale research studies and are mostly locality specific. On this 
basis, such research is considered inadequate for policy purposes as they are not 
national in character. Third, research findings and recommendations that run 
counter to stated government policies are not normally utilised to inform policy 
decisions. 
Another obstacle to effective use of research data has to do with poor dissemination 
of research findings. Most research findings are not known to policy-makers 
or persons who influence policy-making. Research findings are only disseminated 
to interest groups. As a consequence most research findings never reach the market 
place of ideas thus limiting their use value. 
Most research institutions and bodies have complained about limited resources 
and work overload. Research institutions faceproblemsof finance and underqualified 
researchers. Qualified researchers are not attracted by the salaries in most research 
institutions. The Government is the most affected by this shortage and turnover of 
staff. The outcome of this state of affairs is low-quality research which has a 
potential to misdirect policy. Faced with this, government often resorts to expatriate 
consultants who may not have a very firm grasp of local issues and conditions.
The Practice of Social Policy in Botswana 73 
Conclusion 
Social policy practice and research in Botswana is a muddled terrain. In the first 
place, there is no consensus as to what constitutes social policy. Second, the 
determinants, process and linkages are not clearly defined and until recently the 
social policy process has been dominated by central government. Third, the social 
policy research agenda has not been given sufficient attention except by the 
relatively underdeveloped and underutilised research institutions found in some 
government ministries. Research from other institutions have not been adequately 
disseminated and where it has, it has been largely ignored by policy-makers. The 
creation of the Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis in 1995 may 
mark the beginning of a systematic and comprehensive approach to the social 
policy research and evaluation agenda. 
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