Journal of Social Development in Africa (1998), 13,2,45-53 
Social Policy and Research Practice in 
Tanzania 
ANDREW S T MCHOMVU, THERESIA F K NGALULA, 
GEORGE S NCHAHAGA,* FELICIAN S K TUNGARAZA, 
SAM MAGHIMBI ** 
goffte 
ABSTRACT 
Tanzania's social policy is characterised by three dominantregimes, although with 
some overlapping elements of selectivism and universalism. It is shown that the 
process of social policy formulation can be initiated by technocrats, or task forces 
j at ministerial level. However, the process is long and cumbersome. The country 
lacks a comprehensive national social policy but has instead sectoral social 
policies. Implementing agents are communities, NGOs, and government institutions 
while the implementation process is top-down. The main funders of social 
policy include government, donors, NGOs, individuals and religious institutions. 
Tanzania's social policy research capacity is very weak. There is no institutionalised 
social policy research and consequently there is a need to strengthen social 
policy research capacity. 
Introduction 
' In the last few years studies on social policy have been devoted to the examination 
of policy analysis (Ahmed, 1991; Getubic & Schimidt, 1992). Consequently basic 
social policy problems such as policy regimes, the nature and trend of social policy 
practice and research has not adequately been addressed. The situation has been 
exacerbated by the present economic crisis. Taube (1993) has observed that every 
sector started to crumble: hospitals were without medicine, schools without desks, 
there were ill-motivated workers, low production and poor social services. This 
triggered the need to re-examine the state and dynamics of social policy practice 
in Tanzania so as to identify the root cause of the problems confronting the majority 
of Tanzanians (Mchomvu, 1996). The study's objectives were to identify, describe 
and analyse what social policy research in Tanzania is and what it does; to gain an 
improved understanding of the conceptualisation, organisation, scope and practice 
of social policy in Tanzania as well as to examine the context for, and nature of, 
social policy funding and research, and the extent to which they address social 
problems; and identify future research priority and direction. 
* A Mchomvu; TNgalula; GNchahaga: The National Social Welfare Training 
Institute, P O Box 3375, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, Tel: (255 51) 700918/74443; email: 
nswtj@turga.com 
** Dr F Tungaraza; Prof S Maghimbi: Department of Sociology, University of 
Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania.
46 Mchomvu; Ngalula; Nchahaga; Tungaraza; Maghimbi 
Overview of Tanzanian Social Policy 
Since 1961 Tanzania has experienced fundamental shifts in social policy. The 
1961 -67 period was one which focused on correcting problems created by colonial 
social policy practice. The Arusha Declaration of 1967, marked the establishment 
of the general parameters of social policy as well as the machinery for social policy 
making (Hardiman & Midgley, 1982). Ujatnaa and Self-Reliance formed the 
Since ideological framework for all social policy decisions. The government introduced 
national development plans which enumerated priority areas the government 
Urba intended to take on (Hyden, 1980). Gibbons (1995) indicates that these plans never 
voim went beyond the conception of providing basic social services like health, educa- 
W o n tion, and welfare to the people. They never even reached Gunner Myrdal's view 
^ l u i that social planning and social policy should not be regarded as an activity 
separated from economic planning (Hardiman & Midgley, 1982). The social 
The P°u c v concerned itself with social service delivery and not the attainment of social 
voiui objectives compatible with the ideal of a just, equal and prosperous society 
Alt (Rudengreen.1981; Hyden; 1980. 
Voiu In 1977 the supremacy of the CCM party was announced which thereby 
Loc, assumed the primary role of social policy making (Citinka, 1996). Social policy 
D e * issues were presented to the NEC by the Party Secretariat (Citinka, 1996); and the 
voiu government was left with role of implementing Party-sanctioned policies. 
In the mid 1980s and 1990s the country was faced with severe economic shocks, 
Stti an^ P°''t ' c a ' changes (Gibbons, 1995). The process of change disrupted the 
Voh Production process and weakened the Party. Contrary to the previous situation, 
Uri government professionals and technocrats were increasingly becoming predomivoii 
nant in the social policy-making process (Mchomvu, 1996). However, social 
Ur policy formulation became a field where "anybody can hover in" (Gibbons, 
Vol 1995:15). 
Ut 
JJJ Methodology 
vo The d a t a w a s c o l l e c t e d between November 1995 and March 1996 a n d covered four 
Vl regions. The data collection employed qualitative methods. The study team 
Vo consisted of five researchers. The population contacted included: policy makers 
and practitioners at ministerial, regional, and district levels. The data collection 
St techniques included focus group discussions; interviews, questionnaires and 
Pi documentary reviews. The data were analysed by using a thematic approach.
Social Policy and Research Practice in Tanzania 47 
The Concept of Social Policy 
Confusion surrounds the definition of what social policy is (Torrens, 1993) and 
Higgin, (1981). Most policy makers interviewed vaguely understood the concept 
of social policy. The same poor conception is shared by the public. At high level 
decision-making organs, social policy is perceived synonymously with social 
welfare policy. (Mesaki, 19%). For many social policy makers and practitioners, 
the conception of social policy excludes economic development and economic 
growth (Gil, 1973). Such thinking tends to influence different social policies 
formulated in the country. 
Social Policy Regimes in Tanzania 
In Tanzania three dominant social policy regimes can be identified. From 1961 to 
1967 the regimes were urban-based and oriented to influence economic growth. 
From 1967 to 1986 social policy focused on the broader population. Since 1986 the 
regime is characterised by succumbing to IMF/World Bank conditionalities. 
Tanzania used three approaches to administer social services, namely residual 
(Holman, 1975); institutional, which recognises provision of social service as a 
function of modern society (Butterworth & Holman, 1975; Mishra, 1975). This 
approach looks at society not only at aggregate growth per se but with regard to 
attainment of minimum standards of living. The third approach, the basic human 
needs approach, was adopted in 1972 as a strategy for improving the living 
standards of the people, through its broad provision base of social service. The 
approach went hand-in-hand with other social changes; such as villagisation, and 
decentralisation. 
Decision-makers revealed that social policies were developed in response to the 
concern of the Party regarding increasing social differentiation, inequality, and 
disparities in national development (TDHS, 1992; Wagao, 1990). However, other 
unforeseen problems emerged and frustrated the efforts. These included recurrent 
cost problems (World Bank, 1994). There were also supply-side problems which 
affected the quality of service rendered to the people. The challenge led to a many 
problems remaining unattended. With this situation, NGOs emerged to bridge the 
gap, as complementary agencies to replace the state as the main provider of social 
service (Kiondo, 1993;Sivalon, 1995).TheNGOsdealtwith health, education, the 
disadvantaged and the promotion of income-generating activities. There was also 
the emergence of non-state financing of education. These led to the establishment 
of 200 district development trust funds. Individual patronage also emerged as an 
alternative in funding education, especially at primary and secondary school 
levels.
48 Mchomvu; Ngalula; Nchahaga; Tungaraza; Maghimbi 
The Process of Social Policy Formulation in Tanzania 
Tanzania does not have a comprehensive national social policy (Gil, 1973). No 
effort has been made to formulate one; instead the focus is on sectoral social 
policies. The social policy-making process since independence focused on tackling 
poverty, disease and ignorance (URT, 1993). However, these were not 
addressed by consciously formulated policy statements. 
Prior to the Arusha Declaration social policy formulation was entrusted to 
government technocrats. Subject to the powers of the President, the Cabinet shall 
be the principal instrument of policy and shall advise the President on such matters 
Tordoff (1967). After promulgation of the Arusha Declaration there was only 
general social policy-making. (Mukyanuzi, 1995; Citinka 1996). 
With the declaration of the Party Supremacy principle in 1977, the ruling party 
assumed the primary role of social policy-making. This transformed the government 
into an implementing agent of social policies (Citinka, 1996). The key social 
policy issues were decided at the NEC. Though some started with sectoral 
ministries as draft policies, they then had to be approved by the NEC. However, 
more andmoredecisionswerebeingtakenbythePresident, with the Cabinet taking 
a secondary position (Mcauslan & Ghai, 1972). The Cabinet as a machinery for 
social policy-making was weakened by the inordinate powers given to the 
President. Consequently social policy goals were highly influenced by the ideology 
of the ruling party. 
Moreover, because of the monolithic politics, from 1992, government professionals 
and technocrats were increasingly becoming predominant. During this 
period most social policies were formulated by the task force or technocrats with 
five stages: setting of priorities and writing the policy draft; giving recommendations; 
scrutinising and recommending at the inter-ministerial technical committee 
(IMTC); the fourth stage is the Cabinet where they assess the political implications 
of the policy and give their recommendations. Finally is the legitimisation of the 
policy by President or Minister, depending on whether or not it is a basic or support 
policy. 
When formulating social policy, the decision-makers do not have enough time 
to conceive the objectives of policy, and rarely do they develop alternative courses 
of action and estimate consequences of alternative actions. There is no feedback 
in the formulation process. At times social policies formulated are characterised by 
inconsistencies between economic policy and social policy. Most policy makers 
interviewed suggested that most social policies are fragmented and uncoordinated. 
They are devoid of both social justice and economic efficiency. The degree of 
community participation in social policy formulation is very limited. The masses 
are not empowered, politically and economically to take an effective role in 
formulating and implementing social policy.
Social Policy and Research Practice in Tanzania 49 
The Legal Framework of Social Policy Practice 
The legal framework of Tanzanian social policy is entrenched in the Tanzanian 
Constitution. The major legal developments in social policy include the adoption 
of the Bill of Rights in the constitution in 1977. This went together with the 
enactment of various laws enacted to put the policy into effect, eg the Land 
Acquisition Act which was passed to repeal the Colonial Land Acquisition 
Ordinance. Similarly, the National Bank of Commerce Act, was enacted to 
nationalise all private banks. In the education sector where the majority were 
deprived of that service the government was compelled to repeal the Education 
Ordinance in 1969 by enacting the Education Act The repeal guaranteed the 
development of an education system which is in conformity with the political, 
social and cultural ideals of the United Republic of Tanzania. The Education Act 
was also passed to legalise education changes that were introduced between 1967 
and 1978. 
In the health sector, anumberof Acts were amended, eg the Medical Practitioners 
and Dentists Ordinance (in 1968), the Pharmacy andPoisons Ordinance and the 
Food and Drugs Ordinance were repealed by the Pharmaceutical and Poisons Act 
In 1977 the Private Hospital Regulation Act was enacted to expand provision of 
service to the people. Realising the importance of peasants the government passed 
the National Co-operative and Development Bank Act as away of supporting the 
indigenous people to improve production. This was followed by the Ujamaa and 
Villages Registration, Designation and Administration Act This was repealed in 
1982 by the Local Government Authority Act. 
Social Policy Practice and Funding in Tanzania 
Social policy practice is a process in which inputs are "transformed" into implementation 
outputs (William, 1975). Theexpected quality of social policy outcome 
would depend, on the "visions" contained in the policy (Donnar Kerr, 1976). The 
social policy practice is always directed towards specific target groups other than 
the implementing agents (Jenkins, 1978). 
There is no effective social policy implementation process in Tanzania. 
Ademolekuu (1983) suggests that new policies are made on the spur of the moment 
or in public meetings. The government drew sophisticated and ambitious plans as 
if the process consisted of institutions with infinite capacity and flexibility. The 
implementors do not have full knowledge and understanding of the exact demand 
of various policies. The implementation process does not have standards for 
measuring success (Mayaya, 1981). Apparently most policies are vague and do not 
show means or how they can be executed (Hyden, 1974; Mayaya, 1981).
50 Mchomvu; Ngalula; Nchahaga; Tungaraza; Maghimbi 
The major problems of social policy practice include conflicting roles of 
different actors, and poor translation of social policy objectives. Correspondingly 
control mechanism of social policy practice indicates that power-sharing between 
different actors brings problems. Also there are macro problems related to national 
decision-making bodies which monitor and execute the policies. These reflect 
contradictions between community needs and national priorities. There is a serious 
gap which exist between implementors and formulators (Mayaya, 1981; Sokoine, 
1984). Sometimes what is formulated is not what is sent to the implementors 
(Turuka,1980). 
Implementors of social policy are local government structures, from grassroots 
to District levels. However, from District to Region levels there is a serious 
problem of role duplication and lack of well-articulated structures. In implementation 
there is no smooth feedback between different actors; the approach used is 
top-down and there is no clear line of action or who should do what, and how 
(Makyunuzi, 1996). 
The main funders of social policy in Tanzania include: individual households, 
communities and the central government as key players. NGOs are also increasingly 
becoming important actors. The role of donors is increasing too. These 
include multilateral and bilateral agencies. Donors financing of social policy was 
distributed as follows: technical cooperation, 25%; investment assistance, 45%; 
programme assistance, 30%; and food, 2% (UNDP, 1992). Meanwhile the Nordic 
countries contributed 30%; Germany and Netherlands, 8% each; Canada, USA, 
UK, 6% each. The most-funded sectors by donors include water, education and 
health. In the 1993/94 development budget, 12.2 billion out of 13.2 billion came 
from donors (World Bank, 1994). 
The State and Dynamics of Social Policy Research 
In Tanzania, there is very scanty record of social policy research done from 1960s 
to 1980s. The existing researches are characterised by a very narrow database. 
Observations are reproduced from the same database. Collaboration among 
researchers is lacking while most of these researches are diffuse and descriptive. 
There is no nationally initiated social policy research. The research input in social 
policy making has been ephemeral (Maghimbi, 1996). The major policies like 
"Universal Primary Education," "Health for All" and "Man is Health" were 
formulated without research. From the 1970s social policy research went hand-inhand 
with tight political control. However, it expanded its scope and covered more 
areas, namely, housing, human settlements, education, health, employment and 
labour market policy. But all this was done without any institutional framework.
Social Policy and Research Practice in Tanzania 51 
Research done is limited, most of which constitutes small-scale surveys. For 
example, the Ministry of Health (MoH) generates ideas for research from workshops 
and the national conferences of medical officers. In the MoH there is also the 
Medical Research Institute. 
The Ministry of Education (MoE) does not have a research institution. However, 
district education officers, and regional education officers are collecting data 
which is compiled into national data as for example the Basic Education Statistics 
for Tanzania (BEST). 
Social policy research capacity seems to be very weak indeed. None of the 
ministries have inventories for research. There is no national social policy research. 
Overall social policy research in Tanzania is not sound, realistic, well-directed, 
properly-funded, nor staffed (Maghimbi,1996). There is no specific institution 
which trains social policy research experts. Institutions dealing with research are 
very limited. Funding of social policy research heavily relies on foreign donors 
such as: ODA, WHO, AMREF, DANIDA UNICEF, UNESCO, UNFPA, GTZ, 
FES and IDRC. At times research findings can influence policy formulation. For 
example, a study funded by WHO in MoH on "Cost-Sharing" has greatly 
influenced the adoption of a cost-sharing policy in Tanzania. Similarly, the study 
funded by DANIDA, and the World Bank in 1993 at the Ministry of Education has 
led to the production of the document known as "Education System Towards 21st 
Century". This has greatly influenced Tanzania's education policies. 
As already noted most social policy research in Tanzaniais under the dominance 
of foreigners, and indigenous people are not valued. However, some of the 
researches done are too academic and cannot easily be used for policy purposes. 
In addition sources of funding for social policy research is scarce and this frustrates 
researchers. The capacity for social policy research in Tanzania needs to be 
strengthened because it is currently very weak. 
Recommendations 
The study recommends that 
• There isaneedtodo more research on social policy reform and determine 
its impact on the people's well being. 
• There is a need to do an in-depth study on social security and establish its 
relationship with poverty alleviation. 
• There is a need to train and strengthen social policy research capacity in 
Tanzania; especially at the level of institutions of higher learning.
52 Mchomvu; Ngalula; Nchahaga; Tungaraza; Maghimbi 
• There is a need to study how we can improve opportunity for community 
and stakeholder participation in social policy-making which addresses 
their pressing problems. 
• There is a need to pressurise the government to formulate a comprehensive 
national social policy rather than sectoral policies. 
• There is a need to establish a database for social policy practice and 
research in Tanzania, preferably by utilising the comparative advantage 
which the National Social Welfare Training Institute enjoys over other 
institutions. 
Conclusion 
The concept of social policy is not clear to decision-makers, implementors, and the 
public. The social policy formulation is the preserve of the government while 
community participation is very minimal. The process of formulation has been 
characterised by two structures; party structures and government structures. With 
multi-partyism the structures are bound to change and the party's role has been 
reduced. 
Most social policy tends to be fragmented, disjointed and uncoordinated. The 
process of formulation does not address all the social problems. There are other 
forces which influence what should be addressed, eg, personalities, funds and 
interest of donors. Some of the policies do not focus on the cause of the problem 
but the symptom. Funding of social policy is mainly by government, donors, and 
of late NGOs. Social policy research in Tanzania is very weak; most of the 
researches conducted are survey or social science research. Similarly the capacity 
for social policy research is negligible. Moreover, social policy research is a 
monopoly of foreigners who are more valued than indigenous people. As a result 
most social policy is not informed by research inputs; a serious situation which 
hampers the development of social policy research in Tanzania. 
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