Journal of Social Development in Africa (1998), 13, 2,5-20 
The Dynamics of Social Policy Practice in 
Eastern and Southern Africa 
KWAKU OSEI-HWEDE * 
Introduction 
The socioeconomic difficulties experienced across Africa from the early 1970s, 
and continuing to the present, brought to the fore the need for more comprehensive 
social polivies which are well-planned and judiciously implemented. The first 
years of Eastern and Southern Africa's independence was a period of marked 
improvement for the majority of the population. After close to a century of 
European rule during which almost all economic and social activities were geared 
for the benefit of a small, mainly non-indigenous group of people, per capita 
incomes rose, health and education facilities expanded dramatically, nutritional 
standards improved, economic and employment opportunities grew, and the local 
people increased their participation in their own governance. 
This tranquillity began to break up, however, during and after the 1970s, 
triggered sometimes by national policies, such as the expulsion of Asian entrepreneurs 
from Uganda, but more commonly due to the two oil shocks and the recession 
in the North that reduced export earnings. In theory, this crisis could have given rise 
to a range of corrective measures. What happened in practice was that it gave 
leverage to international financial institutions, particularly the World Bank and the 
International Monetary Fund (IMF) - where a neo-liberal economic view was 
dominant - to intervene. However, in the course of the 1980s, episodes of runaway 
inflation made change more urgent and also made the population more willing to 
accept it. It is within the context of these socioeconomic difficulties that the role 
of social policy in national development in Africa has been a major concern. 
The Eastern and Southern Africa social policy project, sponsored by IDRC, and 
coordinated by Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda, was a conceited expression 
of this concern. The regional project involved Botswana, Tanzania, Uganda, 
Zambia and Zimbabwe. The main objective of the regional project was to establish 
the state of the art of social policy practice and research in Eastern and Southern 
Africa, and the extent to which these are responsive to the problems and needs of 
the population. The projectaimed, among others, at identifying gaps and priorities 
for research so as to make research more accessible to policy; and to establish 
Professor and Head of Department, Department of Social Work, University of 
Botswana, P Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana. Tel: (267) 355 2682/4; Fax: (267) 356591.
6 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
whether there are links between social policy and economic policy on the one hand 
and social policy and social policy research on the other. More specifically, the 
country studies focused on the review and analysis of social policy processes; the 
state of social policy research; and current and future priorities for research anc 
policy. This paper is an overview of the findings of the country studies. It discusse; 
the context of social policy in Eastern and Southern Africa, the determinants ol 
social policy, the policy formulation process, the relationship between socia 
policy and economic policy and linkages in the policy process. 
Methodology 
The research design used by the different country teams comprised of approaches 
of data collection that yielded both qualitative and quantitative data. However, th< 
major emphasis was on qualitative data. The choice of qualitative design was 
influenced by the desire to collect data that reflected the subjective experience o 
respondents. The main tools employed consisted of focused group interviews nek 
with selected group of beneficiaries, policy makers, NGO representatives anc 
researchers to capture their subjective experience. Surveys, underlined by inter 
views and using semi-structured interview guides, were also utilised at national 
regional and district levels. These were usually based on purposive samples o 
relevant ministries and organisations. Content analyses of official documents wen 
also undertaken. 
The Context of Social Policy in Eastern and Southern Africa 
Social policies are conceptualised as formal and informal rules and guideline: 
underlying the organised efforts of society to meet the needs of its members anc 
ameliorate the problems confronting them on individual, group and communitj 
bases. They are "guiding principles for ways of life, motivated by basic anc 
perceived human needs" (Gil, 1990:23). They are aimed at ensuring the surviva 
of societies and improving their well-being. This definition points to the existence 
of social policies in all societies. Before the advent of colonialism, there existec 
social policies and associated social provisions in African societies. In almost al 
instances, indigenous mechanisms of social provision recognised individual need; 
as part of wider societal needs. Thus, individualism was at its very minimum anc 
kinship ties and networks provided a strong basis for social provision, generall) 
adequate to meet most welfare requirements. This was based on the exercise ol 
accepted reciprocity and equitable personal intimacies (Ouma 1995; Brooks & 
Nyirenda, 1987). ' ^
The Dynamics of Social Policy & Practice inE &S Africa 7 
The arrival of colonialism changed the African landscape, and permanently 
dented this social support mechanism. This was for a variety of reasons, not least 
the promotion of money as the primary medium for the exchange of goods and 
services, and introduction of a clear distinction between the homestead and the 
place of work, that much lessened the need for reciprocity for attaining personal 
and family welfare (Ouma, 1995). Yet most importantly was the fact that for the 
duration of the colonial period, the colonialists virtually sidelined Africans, their 
organisation, and skills as they operated on an ideology that promoted their own 
social, cultural and economic supremacy. The most critical aspect of colonial 
society, and crucial to the patterns of social policy in contemporary Africa, was that 
all activities were directed by the interests of the non-indigenous population, and 
focused on them alone (MacPherson, 1982). 
What is evident from the country studies is that social policies are not clearly 
conceptualised and that there are different perceptions of social policy within, and 
among the countries. To some extent, for example, in Zambia, the social sector 
itself is not well defined and understood. In this regard, and as a result, there is a 
general lack of understanding of what constitutes social policy, especially, among 
those who are supposed to implement it. Planners and macro-economists in 
Tanzania view social policy as subordinate to economic policy, while planners 
conceive itas synonymous with social welfare or government public policy. Social 
policies are also perceived in terms of the institutions involved in the planning of 
policy and delivery of services as is the case in Uganda where social policies are 
narrowly conceived as the provision of social services (Manyire & Asingwire, 
1996; Masiye, et al, 1996). 
Social policies in the region are centralised with the central governments 
playing the major role. They have often responded from the desire to limit or 
regulate negative situations in society than to promote positive conditions. This has 
led to residual or remedial actions which are often fragmented and uncoordinated. 
The focus has been on a wide variety of issues including poverty, unemployment, 
poor health and sanitation, lack of housing, high birth rates, illiteracy, AIDS, the 
environment and drought relief. However, there are also instances of universal and 
institutional redistributive policies (Kaseke et at, 19%; Manyire & Asingwire, 
1996; Masiye, et al, 1996; Mchomvu, et al, 1996; and Lucas, et al, 1997). 
Community and Social Policy 
Community-based social policies are processes through which grassroots efforts 
are united with those of both government and NGOs to improve community 
conditions and standards, and to enable communities to participate fully in national
8 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
development Thus, a community social policy is a partnership between commu 
nities, government and NGOs. The studies indicate that at the government level 
there seems to be little commitment in promoting community involvement i 
policy making. This situation is compounded by the fact that most communitie 
who need help do not have the resources required for community developmer 
initiatives. It is evident that some NGOs have assumed very important roles i 
promoting community participation in policy development and social programme! 
Some of the activities centre around community building, leadership training, ani 
general socioeconomic empowerment to enable communities and their member 
to have as much input and control of local policies and projects as possible. 
Consultation has always been highly appreciated and recognised as a critics 
element of governance in African societies (Stedman, 1993). However, mos 
observers tend to link consultation to citizen participation in the policy proces! 
Although currently the concept of consultation is officially afforded a high profil 
in the policy system in the region, it is, in fact, top civil servants who dominate th 
policy-making process as is the case in all the countries (Holm & Molutsi, 1990 
They initiate discussion of issues through commissioned studies which usuall 
result in a series of proposals. Ministries then conduct policy debates amon 
themselves and inter-ministerial committees constitute the arenas in which deci 
sions are made. These committees cover all major concerns of governmei 
including, significantly, housing, drought relief, conservation, rural developmen 
and land use. For example, in Botswana, the Ministry of Finance and Developmei 
Planning oversees the whole process, setting budget priorities and directin 
investment of Government's vast financial reserves (Government of Botswaiu 
1991). This Ministry, therefore, sets the limits and parameters within which th 
structures of decision-making such as Village Development Committees, Distric 
Development Committees, National District Development Conferences as well a 
International Committees, operate. 
Thus, the public often witness little in the form of a policy debate unless 
ministry decides to engage in some form of consultation. When this happens,; 
conference may be organised or ministry officials may tour the country holdinj 
meetings to explain proposals. In Botswana, the kgotla, the meeting place in fron 
of the chiefs residence, is the traditional forum for debate and discussion of loca 
issues (Ngcongco, 1989). The kgotla has been used to promote, for instance, i 
national conservation policy, and the discussion of population and abortion issues 
Whatever form the consultation takes, the debate is usually limited to matters o 
implementation.
The Dynamics of Social Policy & Practice inE &S Africa 9 
The Determinants of Social Policy 
A number of factors have, and continue to influence the formulation of social 
policy in Eastern and Southern Africa. From a historical perspective, these factors 
which have been instrumental in shaping social policy in the region at different 
periods include a combination of ideology, resource availability, politics and 
culture. During the colonial period, the European powers of the time took 
advantage of the military and technological weakness of African societies to 
exploit the mineral and agricultural wealth of the Africa continent, subjecting all 
economic, social, and political activities to their interest The colonialists assumed 
that the natives of Africa were in a most elementary state of civilisation, far below 
Europeans in the evolutionary ladder. This assumption led to two seemingly 
contradictory conclusions, and the policy and practice of racial segregation. The 
first, and dominant conclusion, was that Africans must be helped to develop such 
that the supposedly more advanced, European capital system would benefit 
Concurrently, however, it was also argued that colonialism came about because 
of the need of Africans: The need to advance beyond their state of development at 
that time, that is, "to be civilised." There was need to establish religious education, 
for example, to improve the moral and social character of Africans as a whole. This 
objective of social policy, however, being by far secondary to the first, was left to 
voluntary and religious enterprises, which lacking an indigenous base, made their 
service provision extremely rudimentary and residual. Events in Zimbabwe show 
how this policy was implemented in service provision. Between 1972 and 1976, 
only four years before independence, government expenditure on education was 
in a ratio of 1:12 in favour of white schools, which translated to Z$40 per black child 
in comparison with Z$475 per white child. Also, in contrast to black children, all 
white children were guaranteed full primary and secondary schooling. Thus again, 
in 1970, the church ran more than 60 percent of all rural health services in 
Zimbabwe, and on the eve of independence, in 1980, non-governmental organisations 
owned 107 of the country's 177 secondary schools (Kaseke, et at, 1996:11). 
Some evidence abound which attests to political-expediency as a determinant 
of policy in the region. For example, in Botswana, the Accelerated Rural Development 
Programme (ARDP) and the Arable Land Grazing Programme (ALDEP) 
preceded the 1974 and 1979 general elections respectively. Some people believe 
that the policies were introduced for purposes of the political survival of the ruling 
Botswana Democratic Party. The ARDP, observes Picard (1987), was introduced 
in 1974 by the Botswana Democratic Party government so that it could perpetuate 
its political hegemony in the rural areas. According to Picard (1987), a presidential 
directive was issued ordering the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning
10 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
to ensure that projects were visible on the ground by September 30th 1974, which 
was twenty-one days before the general elections. The timing of such exercise may 
point to the real possibility of political manoeuvre by the ruling party. The 
government of Botswana has introduced an Old Age Pension Scheme in the 
aftermath of an impressive performance by the opposition Botswana National 
Front in the 1991 elections. The Old Age Pension Scheme is seen as being hurried 
in both design and implementation to appease the elderly electorates ahead of the 
1999 general elections (Lucas, et al, 1997). 
National politics and ideology are also significant in determining social policy. 
At independence, the nationalist governments sought to change the conditions 
created under colonialism and the thinking behind them. This was a period of rising 
expectations, that, coupled with nationalist sentiments, called for a parting with the 
past and a search for a new ideology for development. Socialism, or more 
specifically African socialism, became the vehicle to eradicate completely the 
colonial economy and its related structures. African socialism (Tanzania, Zambia, 
Zimbabwe) emphasised equality of all people and advocated, therefore, for 
equality of access to resources and opportunities. Thus, development efforts were 
geared towards structural transformation based on the notions of social justice and 
egalitarian redistribution. 
Consequently, backed by the rapid economic growth of the period and the 
nationalisation of the foreign-dominated private sector that provided the basis for 
buoyant government revenues, massive investments were made in infrastructure, 
beginning from road construction to the establishment of new import-substitution 
enterprises given over to the parastatal sector. Armed with socialist principles, and 
provided with the necessary resources from the products of nationalisation, 
governments went into a frenzy of compensating for past policies. 
In Zambia, for example, 880 000 new school places were created between 1964 
and 1984 (Tembo, 1993). Similarly, in Zimbabwe, where free education was 
introduced overnight, government established 5 500 primary and secondary 
schools in six years, an increase of 220 percent over the pre-independence era. 
ConsequenUy, during this period, school enrolment shot up to 2.5 million, of whom 
420 000 were in secondary school, as compared with a total enrolment of 800 000 
in 1980, of whom only 72 300 were in secondary education. Likewise, in health, 
governments embarked on mass building, with the aim of ensuring that noone need 
travel more than ten kilometres to the nearest clinic (Kaseke, et al, 1996). Also, as 
in Zambia, the total number of hospitals and health centres grew from 354 in 1964 
to 1 006 in 1988, an increase of more than 160 percent (Tembo, 1993). All 
treatments were offered free of charge, at least for the poor, or at a standard, 
nominal price. 
A notable exception to the socialist agenda is found in Botswana where social
The Dynamics of Social Policy & Practice inE &S Africa 11 
provision has been largely influenced by a conservative, but pragmatic economic 
philosophy. The emphasis has been on the need for sound development planning 
and management, characterised by a prudent but conservative fiscal and monetary 
regime. Every effort was made to ensure that all policies pursued did not place 
undue burden on the financial resources, and in fact, most social policies were 
pursued after the country head attained budgetary self-sufficiency in the early 
1970s. 
In the mid-1970s, however, all this development came to a stop. Almost 
continent-wide, economies started to experience deep, pervasive, and continuing 
crises characterised by zero or insignificant growth and high rates of inflation 
leading to rising foreign and internal debts, increased unemployment, shortages of 
consumer goods, and deteriorating social infrastructures. Trie first response of 
most governments to these developments was to introduce price controls and 
subsidies for many popular consumer items, and inputs for production, such as 
fertilisers and seeds. However, these measures proved ineffective, and as the 
situation deteriorated further, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) intervened, 
ushering in a new period in African history: the era of structural adjustment 
The essence of structural adjustment as envisaged by the IMF lies in the neoliberal 
notion that the state must divest itself from direct participation in the 
economy and the provision of social services to make way for free market 
exchanges. Unfortunately, however, its accompanying mechanism, such as the 
tightening of the money supply and reduced public expenditure, compounded the 
already precarious economic status of most consumers. The deep economic crises 
meant very limited resources for social services leading to a change in the 
philosophy behind service provision. In the era of structural adjustment, governments 
have introduced some fees for social services, reduced government funding 
in service provision, withdrawn consumer subsidies, privatised public enterprises 
and retrenched workers among other things, as part of the measures to improve the 
economy. These measures show the importance of resources in determining and 
sustaining social policy (Manyire & Asingwiire, 1996); Masiye, et al, 19%; 
Kaseke, et al, 1996 and Mchomvu, et al, 1996). 
The demand of S APs have meant depending on the assistance of the World Bank 
(WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and other donor agencies and 
countries to revitalise the economy and create sustainable levels of economic 
growth. The assistance from these sources have been instrumental in the development 
and maintenance of social safety nets to cushion vulnerable groups against 
the transitional effects of structural adjustment. Donor agencies have also funded 
a significant number of programmes in education, health and social development 
in general. This means that they also have important influence in the social policy 
process. The role of NGOs and donor agencies is even more pronounced in the
12 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
implementation process. For example, most rural people in Zambia do not know 
that the government is also a social service provider because they tend to associate 
all social provision with NGOs and donors. It is argued that the policy shift in 
Tanzania, from viewing the provision of social services as a government responsibility 
to that of social provision to be determined by market forces, has been done 
to attract and maintain donor support (Mchomvu, et al, 1996; Masiye, et al, 1996). 
There is a body of opinion which sees some portions of the social policy agenda 
in the region as nothing but responses to international expectations. The contention 
is that some policies have been formulated either with the direct intervention of 
international donor agencies or through local NGOs sponsored and wholly support 
by international donors who by and large represents the thinking of their respective 
governments. For instance, in Botswana, Basanva (ie, San peoples') development 
issues have been put on the agenda by international donors, especially those from 
the Nordic countries. 
The role of culture in African socioeconomic development cannot be underestimated. 
Governments have considered culture as an important factor in the 
determination of social policy, and have in fact assigned itcentral and critical roles 
in many respects. Thus, the policy of public assistance which requires families to 
support their members or individuals to seek assistance from their families in the 
first instance, takes cognizance of the culturally determined obligations of family 
members to support one another. Thus, throughout the region, the policy of public 
assistance is based on the understanding that the family is a complete social 
security system. The destitute policy of Botswana is created on this principle, and 
so also are the health policies in Zambia and Zimbabwe, which incorporate 
traditional mid-wives in the health delivery system. 
Policy Formulation 
The available data indicate that the policy formulation process is dominated by the 
central governments and their agencies. Thus, the process of policy formulation is 
top-down in approach and involves the beneficiaries mainly in implementation. 
For example, in Tanzania, the actual process of social policy formulation centres 
around three levels of decision-making and power. At the ministerial level, experts 
identify issues and problems. In the process, they may or may not consult with 
experts in other sectoral ministries and institutions. The main consultation at this 
level takes place within the Interministerial Technical Committee. The second 
level is the Planning Commission which is divided into sectoral areas. These also 
initiate policy which is then sent to the relevant ministry for vetting and feedback. 
After that a cabinet paper is prepared for the cabinet secretariat before it is sent to
The Dynamics of Social Policy & Practice in E & S Africa 13 
parliament. The third and highest level involves parliament and the presidency. 
Before political pluralism in 1992, however, the ruling party in Tanzania was the 
sole initiator of policy (Mchombvu, et al, 1996). 
Again in Zambia, government is the key player and the process is so centralised 
that the provinces have no role in the formulation. Like in Tanzania, the policy 
formulation process usually begins with line ministries from where it goes to the 
cabinet and then parliament. In designing social policies, governments in the 
region are usually not proactive. In the Zambia case, it is indicated that the 
government responds much more from a desire to regulate negative influences of 
economic policies than from a desire to promote positive influences in the social 
sector. Thus, most of the policies tend to be residual, or remedial (Masiye, et al, 
1996). 
NGOs are also important actors in the policy process, but usually they assume, 
and are limited to, mainly advocacy roles. In recent years, however, and with the 
introduction of political liberalisation and democratic governance, governments 
are increasingly making efforts to consult the stakeholders in formulating policy. 
However, it is argued that mere consultation is not enough since more often than 
not the government had already set the criteria and then seeks opinion, a process 
which most people see as a public relations exercise. Although the operations and 
methods of NGOs differ, most NGOs are guided by the 'generic' model of service 
provision as is the case in Uganda. What is apparent, and flowing from this model, 
is the element of fully incorporating the intended beneficiaries into the policy 
process. This "bottom-up" approach is seen as contributing greatly to capacity 
building and sustainable social development 
It is evident that donor agencies have significant input in the direction policy 
issues take. However, their input is indirect and is generally limited to technical and 
financial assistance. Donors may fund programmes and projects directly or may 
facilitate networking and cooperation among NGOs and government agencies to 
enhance their efforts at service provision (Manyire & Asingwiire, 1996). There is 
very little indication that communities are involved in policy-making, and it 
appears that as of now, there seems to be very little commitment to promoting 
community involvement in the policy process. Because of inaccessibility to the 
policy makers and the policy process by communities, it is at the implementation 
phase that community participation becomes manifest with respect to politicking, 
competition, individual or collective demand-making, and conflict-resolution. 
Part of the problem is due to the fact that most communities do not have the 
resources and skills required for community development initiatives. However, 
some NGOs have assumed the important role of promoting participation in social 
programmes. Thus, YWCA and the Catholic Secretariat in Zambia, for example, 
are instrumental in this regard, and in accentuating women's central role in 
community-building and socio-cultural awareness (Masiye, et al, 1996).
16 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
light of the dictates of the S APs, with as little public funding as possible. All this 
happened at a time when many in-patients already had to rely on their relatives for 
a change of bedding, ever more schools operated without books and desks, and 
people were going back to using unsafe water resources as taps ran dry (Mabote, 
19%; Sanders, 1992). 
In the context of S APs, there is a shrinking role of government in the economy. 
What is clear from all these is that, at least in the initial phase, adjustment has 
resulted in higher levels of poverty. The social conditions of vulnerable groups 
have greatly deteriorated. Where cost recovery is instituted, most basic services are 
no more accessible to the poor due to low levels of affordability. There is also the 
emergence of the 'new poor' - among mainly retrenched workers, lowly-paid 
workers, peasant fanners and workers in cottage industries (Daniel, 1985). 
Linkages in the Policy Process 
There are certain situations in which governments have adopted special mechanisms 
for interaction and co-ordination in the policy process. Notably, in Botswana, 
there is a special arrangement between the Ministry of Health and the 
Ministry of Local Government, Lands and Housing whereby policy formulation is 
the ultimate responsibility of the Ministry of Health (although the Interministerial 
Committee plays a part in the process), while the Ministry of Local Government, 
Lands and Housing is an integral part of the implementation of health policy, 
together with various organs of the Ministry of Health. 
Governments in the region have general frameworks for establishing linkages 
with non-govemmental organisations, and bilateral and multilateral agencies, as 
there is the recognition that these bodies can and do make significant contributions 
to the well-being of the people. Notable examples include influential agencies: The 
Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the Norwegian Agency for 
Development Cooperation (NORAD), International Development Research Centre 
(IDRC) - bilateral agencies; and the United Nations Development Programme 
(UNDP), the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund - multilateral 
agencies. 
There are substantial efforts to forge links between NGOs and the State to foster 
partnership and collaboration in the policy process. However, the difficulty in 
involving NGOs arises when there is no official framework or linkages between the 
State and the NGOs (Farrington, et al, 1993). For example, in Botswana, until 
recently, there has been a lack of an overall body to provide a framework for NGO 
cooperation with the state and vice versa. The Botswana Council of Non- 
Govemmental Organisations (BOCONGO) has recently been formed to provide
The Dynamics of Social Policy & Practice in E &S Africa 17 
a structure to the NGOs to mutually cooperate with the state in various endeavours. 
However, in Zambia, for example, such a body, the Non-Governmental Organisation 
Coordinating Committee has been in existence for sometime. The creation of 
NGO Coordinating Committees and the existence of informal mechanisms of 
linkage provide democratic arrangements for civil organs to effectively participate 
in policy processes in the region. What this means is that policy initiation can be 
realised through NGO coordinating committees after consultation has taken place. 
In this manner, the State may be seen to be adopting a democratic approach (Holm 
& Molutsi, 1990). 
Though mechanisms for co-ordination do exist in the region, the effective 
functioning of the process still requires vigilance in the employment of effort and 
resources; and ongoing monitoring and evaluation with opportunity for constructive 
feedback. Although there may be problems, governments in the region have 
managed to develop some linkages between themselves and the private sector. 
These constitute advantageous mechanisms for informing and influencing policy 
formulation in the region. 
Emerging Issues and Conclusions 
It is evident that Africa as a whole and Eastern and Southern Africa in particular 
has witnessed, and will continue to witness, rapid socioeconomic changes, and 
changes in associated social policy responses and the overall social provision. On 
one hand, whereas social problems have become critical due to overwhelming 
poverty and increased marginalisation of the masses, on the other hand, social 
policy is also increasingly marginalised. A critical question, therefore, relates to 
the future direction of social policy in the region. 
What is clear from the studies is that governments are increasingly withdrawing 
from social service provision; large numbers of NGOs play key role in the 
provision of services; most policy actors follow government agenda with the 
grassroots having very little or no say in the process; donors, multilateral and bilateral 
agencies fund what they deem necessary to their cause; coordinating 
structures exist but may not be as effective as required; and a declining relationship 
between social policy and economic policy has emerged within the context of the 
dismal economic performance across the region. 
The current socioeconomic conditions of the region and the status of social 
policy, point to some of the critical areas that need immediate attention. There is 
an urgent necessity to review the processes and mechanisms of cost-sharing being 
promoted across the region due to the perceived necessity for governments to 
withdraw from social service provision, and for families and communities to take
18 KwakuOsei-Hwedie 
direct responsibilities for these. This factor relates to the whole range of social 
security measures and safety nets, both formal and informal, required to manage 
and improve the quality of life of the poor and vulnerable groups. An associated 
issue is the effective coordination of social services and related activities in the 
context of economic liberalisation and democratisation. 
Whereas both major and key players in the policy process are easily identified, 
the relationship between them is often not on equal basis. This has brought about 
gaps in both the policy decision and the implementation processes. Measures are 
required that will enable governments, NGOs, the private sector, communities and 
bilateral and multilateral agencies to work together as partners in the social policy 
and development arena. On the whole, the main question is: How can social policy 
contribute positively to reform, reconstruction, revitalisation, decentralisation, 
redistribution, democratisation and other processes of change and development 
underway in the region; and create opportunities to deal with issues such as related 
to social security, health, education and poverty in general? Part of the answer lies 
in a comprehensive understanding of the policy process, inherent strengths and 
weaknesses; and in finding ways to build on positive elements, and to eliminate or 
minimise negative ones. In order for social policy to be relevant and effective in 
the context of the current neo-liberal economic ideology, ways must be found for 
it to become significant in addressing the socioeconomic and political dimensions 
of poverty in the region, and positively deal with emerging problems resulting from 
the socioeconomic and political changes. 
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Mchomvu, A; Ngalula, T; Nchahaga, G; Tungaraza, F & Maghimbi, S (1996) 
Social Policy Practice and Research in Tanzania, The National Social 
Welfare Training Institute, Dares Salaam. 
Manyire, H & Asingwiirc, N (1996) "The State and Dynamics of Social Policy 
Practice and Research in Uganda," Department of Social Work/Social 
Moscr, C (1993) Gender Planning and Development: Theory Practice and 
Administration, Makcrcrc University, Kampala. 
Training, Routledge, London. 
Mwansa, L-K (1995) "Participation of Non-Governmental Organisations in Social 
Development Process in Africa: Implications," in Journal of Social 
Development in Africa, 10 (1), 56-75.
18 Kwaku Osei-Hwedie 
direct responsibilities for these. This factor relates to the whole range of social 
security measures and safety nets, both formal and informal, required to manage 
and improve the quality of life of the poor and vulnerable groups. An associated 
issue is the effective coordination of social services and related activities in the 
context of economic liberalisation and democratisation. 
Whereas both major and key players in the policy process are easily identified, 
the relationship between them is often not on equal basis. This has brought about 
gaps in both the policy decision and the implementation processes. Measures are 
required that will enable governments, NGOs, the private sector, communities and 
bilateral and multilateral agencies to work together as partners in the social policy 
and development arena. On the whole, the main question is: How can social policy 
contribute positively to reform, reconstruction, revitalisation, decentralisation, 
redistribution, democratisation and other processes of change and development 
underway in the region; and create opportunities to deal with issues such as related 
to social security, health, education and poverty in general? Part of the answer lies 
in a comprehensive understanding of the policy process, inherent strengths and 
weaknesses; and in finding ways to build on positive elements, and to eliminate or 
minimise negative ones. In order for social policy to be relevant and effective in 
the context of the current neo-liberal economic ideology, ways must be found for 
it to become significant in addressing the socioeconomic and political dimensions 
of poverty in the region, and positively deal with emergingproblems resultingfrom 
the socioeconomic and political changes. 
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