Africa Media Review Vol. 1. No. 2. 1987 
© African Council on Communication Education 
New Development-Oriented Models 
of Communication Research/or 
Africa: The Case for Focus Group 
Abstract 
Research in Africa 
by Isaac Obeng-Quaidoo* 
This paper explores the nature of communication research going 
on in Africa The author argues that while the absence of a research 
tradition in Africa compels researchers on African affairs to adapt 
and replicate some American, European, and Soviet research 
strategies, there is a real need for communication researchers to 
take cognizance of the cultural context in which their research in 
Africa takes place. He singles out the "focus group' approach as 
being particularly suitable for data elicitation from Africans 
because it harmonizes well with their social-group orientation. 
This approach, he argues, has the merit of generating new 
hypotheses since it allows interviewees to respond or behave in 
unanticipated ways. The author, however, does not expect the 
approach to be problem-free and he makes useful suggestions as to 
how some of the anticipated problems may be overcome. 
Risumi 
Cet article fait le point de la nature des recherches en matfere de 
communication en cours en Afrique. L'auteur de'montre que, si a cause de 
l'absence d'une tradition de recherche africaine, les chercheurs sont 
obliges d'avoir recours et d'adapter des strategies de recherches 
ame'ricalnes, europeennes et sovieitiques, il y a un besoin reel pour les 
chercheurs en communication de prendre en compte les contextes 
culturels dans lesquels ont lieu Us recherches qu'ils effectuent en Afrique. 
II cite l'approche de "groupe focal" comme etant particulieremerit adapted, 
pour comprendre les donnees de la part des Africains dans la mesure ou 
elle s'harmonise bien avec les orientations de groupes socieux. II avance 
que cette approche a le merite de ge'ne'rer de nouvelles hypotheses; en effet, 
elle permet aux interviews de re'pondre et de se comporter de faqpns non 
preVues. Toutefois, lauteur ne s'attend pas a ce que cette approche soit 
sans probfeme; aussi-il d'utiles suggestions sur la maniere de resoudre 
certains problemes qui pourraient se pose*. 
*Dr. Isaac Obeng-Quaidoo is a Senior Lecturer at the School of Communication 
Studies, University of Ghana, Legon. 
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Introduction: 
In a paper presented at a conference in Lome 1984, and 
subsequently published in 1985 (Obeng-Quaidoo), we pleaded for 
certain research innovations and changes in methods and 
methodologies we Africans have borrowed from the developed 
countries. The earlier paper argued on the unsuitability of the 
individualized survey interview (for certain African problems) in 
certain contexts, and suggested group interviews instead. We were 
actually calling for some qualitative approaches to communication 
studies which seemed to have been ignored in Africa. 
There is no one basic trend, and we can argue that African 
communication research is not as yet grounded in a particular 
mode, yet it behoves the researchers in the field to evolve and 
explicate a cultural context within which several research efforts 
can be appraised for decision-making and developmental 
processes. Lack of an African view of communication is due, inter 
alia, to the absence of a processual definition of African culture, 
and also the multiplicity of African researchers and Africanist 
commentators who take solace in several sources. We have those 
with American communication bias who consider the testing of 
hypotheses as the supreme effort in arriving at the truth. We have 
those who hate the very idea of "chi-square" and consider the 
European critical approach as 'sine qua non' of any truth seeking. 
And we also have scholars trained in the Soviet Union or the 
eastern bloc who look through the ideological prism in finding 
truth. All these approaches are healthy, and like everywhere else on 
the globe, "We must develop critical, eclectic methodology capable 
of doing justice to the complexity of our subject" (Halloran, 
1986:63). 
Being latecomers to the communications scene, Africans cannot 
avoid adaptations and replications of the research formats which 
obtain in America, Europe, or the East, but African communicators 
cannot afford to ignore the cultural context in which every research 
should be situated. Pluralism of efforts is necessary, but imitation 
of methods and methodologies devoid of any cultural truth would 
lead to sterile results which benefit only the academic. 
This paper thus offers some concrete tests of some of the 
methodological suggestions contained in the earlier paper. We 
have tested the utility of some of the earlier assumptions and 
assertions - taking the African cultural and social contexts into 
account. 
53
Qtmtitative methods anAJocuM group research 
Since we have not come across any communication study in the 
African context using focus group methodology, what we shall do 
in this paper is to outline qualitative method and focus group 
methodology; relate everything to the African cultural context, and 
then illustrate our ideas with practical findings and examples from 
the field. 
Initially, our remarks should not be construed as an attempt to 
pitch qualitative methods against qualitative survey methods. 
Such a comparison would be meaningless "since the two types of 
methodology are designed, and largely used to tackle, different 
types of problems" (Dickens, 1982 pp 4-43, emphasis his). 
According to Dickens, "The problems qualitative research is most 
frequently required to address are those of understanding as 
opposed to assessment. Whilst the proper methodological 
response to "assessment" questions is the methodology of a "test", 
the proper response to "understanding" questions is that of a 
"search". Most problems of human social behaviour involve 
complex variables, where the relationship is not reflex or selfexplanatory". 
Thus questions such as 'how patients perceive the 
activities of the primary health care information campaign before 
working in Accra' are, of necessity qualitative questions for which 
the method of research would be the most appropriate. The word 
search here means getting to know and understand the workings 
of a process as opposed to test which would be testing hypotheses 
and predicting the possible outcome of a phenomenon. 
What is focused group research? 
The focused group research (or, as sometimes referred to, 
focused interview) is a subject methodology of the qualitative 
method. There are certain distinguishing characteristics of this 
approach. First of all, the persons Interviewed are supposed to have 
been involved in a particular situation or not at all. For example, 
they may have watched a film, heard an advertisement on radio, or 
they may be users or non-users of a particular product, such as a 
contraceptive. Second, the initial assumption is that "the 
significant elements, patterns, processes and total structure of this 
situation have been provisionally analysed" (Merton et al., 1956:3) 
by the researchers. Through this situational analysis, the 
researcher then develops an interview/question guide which will 
enable him to conduct the enquiry. Finally, this kind of interview is 
focused on both the objective and subjective experiences of the 
54
persons exposed/or not exposed to the provisionally analysed 
situation so that the researcher can ascertain their definitions of 
the situation 
The numerous responses from interviewees either augment our 
understanding of a situation or an issue, or "to the extent that it 
includes unanticipated responses, gives rise to fresh hypotheses 
for more systematic and rigorous investigation" (Merton et al., 
1956:3). 
The focus group session, as a method for collecting useful data, is 
hardly discussed in research methods books or lecture rooms, yet 
this methodology was the subject of a paper by Bogardus in 1926 
(Cited by Mayone Stycos, 1981:450-456) (This writer came across 
this methodology serendipitously after a long search and review of 
the contexts of certain communication studies in Ghana). 
The focused group methodology was fully developed and 
implemented in the United States to meet the demands generated 
by communications research and propaganda analysis during the 
World War. Nowadays this research approach is frequently used by 
communications researchers, anthropologists, demographers, 
and especially social marketing researchers. 
In order to achieve a comprehensive focused interview, certain 
criteria would have to be borne in mind. This will differentiate 
amateurish from professional research data. The criteria are 
(Merton, Fiske, Kendall, 1956:12): 
1. Range: The interview should enable interviewees to maximize 
the reported range of evaluative elements and patterns in the 
stimulus as well as the range of response 
2. Specificity: The interview should elicit highly specific 
reports of the aspects of the stimulus situation to which 
interviewees have responded. 
3. Depth: The interview should help interviewees to describe the 
affective, cognitive and evaluative meaning of the situation 
and the degree of their involvement in it. 
4. Personal context: The interview should bring out the 
attributes and prior experience of interviewees which endow 
the situation with these distictive meanings. 
Generally, in the social sciences, one of the reasons for using 
interviews rather than questionnaires in research is to elicit 
diversity of relevant responses from the interviewee, whether the 
interviewer had initially anticipated them or not. If the interview 
guide turns out to be the type of fixed, stock questions, like the 
questionnaire format, then the spontaneity and the nondirective 
55
nature of the focused interview is destroyed, and the interviewee 
resorts to the socially acceptable responses. 
What goes into focus group interviews? 
The size and nature of the group: This should be governed by two 
considerations. It should not be so large as to be unwieldy or offset 
the active participation of all members, nor should it be so small 
that it provides responses of the type one gets by interviewing an 
individual. Some researchers may suggest ten to twelve persons. 
Where a researcher is interested in a range of definitions of the 
situation, rather than in intensive reports, the larger group is 
preferred. Merton et al. advise that "whatever the purpose, the 
group should not be enlarged to the point where the many 
constitute little more than an audience for the few who have 
opportunity to speak their mind" (p:37) 
Field experiences have taught us that in the African context the 
size of a group should be between six to eight persons for an 
interview which lasts between one and a half hours to two hours. 
With a lively group of eight where every person wants to express 
his/her view, the situation at times becomes cumbersome and 
time-consuming. A group of six, it seems, is manageable and less 
time-consuming. Moreover, the interviewer and interviewees 
hardly notice the time if the interview situation is spontaneous 
and lively. Boredom and impatience enter the situation when two 
or more members of the group decide to agree with whatever one 
member of the group says. These "other-directed" quiet types drag 
boredom and artificiality into the whole process. 
It is a fact that the researcher wants neither the too garrulous 
nor the too quiet type of interviewee, but since there is no 
guarantee that one or two of such persons are not likely to filter into 
the group, the researcher only has to rely on such factors as 
occupation, religion, age sex, and education in selecting focus 
group members. And of all the factors mentioned above, 
educational homogeneity of members appears to be the most 
important for all kinds of focus group studies. Field experience has 
taught us for example, that it is never ideal to bring one university 
graduate into a group of secondary school graduates. The former 
will not only monopolise the discussion, but his/her mannerisms 
and language will either alienate the rest or they will all submit to 
his/her views. 
56
Recruiting Interviewees and creating an atmosphere 
Obtaining a group consisting of six to twelve persons who are 
homogeneous in terms of age, sex, education, marital status, 
religion, or ethnicity, (depending on the topic under study) is not 
easy. If individuals are part of a captive audience like the army, 
journalists, a sociology class, or primary health-care attendants, 
then selecting group members becomes fairly easy since the 
demographic data would be available in all cases. But if a 
researcher is thrown into an urban environment, how does he/she 
obtain a group for a discussion? 
Again, field experience has taught us to have trained recruits 
who may be sent to selected neighbourhoods in the chosen town, 
village or city. The recruiters could intercept passersby and screen 
them for eligibility. Thus, in most cases, the sampling is purposive 
and accidental. 
After this, we tell the selected candidates that there is going to be 
a discussion on a stated topic for an hour and they will be rewarded 
at the end of the session. 
In the family planning communication study which is briefly 
discussed below, we normally had the sessions in meeting rooms in 
hotels in all the four cities. Before each session started, the 
interviewer/moderator would meet the group, screen each member 
(according to a prepared demographic form), and then serve them 
with some snacks. After this, participants would be introduced to 
each other in order to establish rapport among them so as to create 
a congenial atmosphere for the discussion. 
We also found that sitting in a circle with the interviewer or 
moderator as a member of the group was the best arrangement. 
Interviewees should never sit in rows facing the interviewer as if it 
were a classroom experience. Usually we want the interviewer to be 
as unobtrusive as possible, while at the same time he/she controls 
the situation. Sitting in rows automatically assigns the moderator 
the role of a teacher and the participants become students, and 
inevitably participants would perceive the situation as a test of 
their knowledge or views on an issue. 
Advantage and disadvantage of focus group interview 
Every methodology has its strong as well as weak points, and it is 
through constant discussion and elaboration that we improve on it 
or overcome the disadvantages. Let us first examine some of the 
advantages. We have already indicated above that focus group 
interviews are useful in, generating new hypotheses since 
57
interviewees respond or behave in unanticipated ways. Focus 
interviews offer the skilful interviewer more scope for the exercise 
of his/her intuition. 
In Africa, the individualized private interview is hardly private 
(Obeng-Quaidoo, 1985), and since subcommunity institutions 
such as the clinic, health centre, ethnic associations, spiritual 
organizations have become the foci of group activities, focus group 
techniques have become necessary for the discovery of motivations 
rarely voiced in surveys. 
Another advantage of the focus group technique is that, apart 
from providing richer information, particularly information which 
relates to emotional processes and inner reasons, it inhibits other 
group members from exaggeration. It is quite easy to lie, boast 
about or exaggerate an issue if one is alone with an interviewer, but 
the person becomes guarded and circumspect if he/she knows that 
other group members can cross-check their experiences against 
his/her statements. 
According Merton et at, another advantage of this methodology 
is that "the interaction in the group may not only lessen inhibition 
of intimate reporting; it may also serve to bring to each individual's 
mind details of his experience which would otherwise not be 
recalled" (pp:46) 
Several years of field research have taught us that quantitative 
survey methods at times leave a great deal of unanswered 
questions when we talk in terms of studying a whole nation. 
Ethnic, economic social, and cultural heterogeneity within the 
nations of the developing world at times render our much 
cherished survey generalizations futile. The argument is that, 
"unless there is adequate sub-group representation, one cannot 
make valid inferences about nations or even smaller sub-divisions 
with a separate cultural identity, however great the temptation. 
Data collected from the Yoruba do not provide generalizations 
applicable to the Hausa, just as data on the Meo do not explain 
behaviour of the Lao (Rogers et aL, 1976:1-41). In this context, the 
usefulness of focus interviews would be brought to bear on such 
heterogeneous situations. 
There are some disadvantages in the use of the focus group 
method. Group interaction may be dysfunctional due to the 
particular topic under discussion since interviewees can easily 
form alliances and the whole discussion may become a kind of 
parliamentary debate instead. Stycos concurs with Deutch that in 
the group situation "There tend to be fewer idiosyncratic thoughts, 
more moderation in judgement, more common associations, more 
cautiousness, and a general taking info account of the anticipated 
58
reaction of the audience" (Stycos, 1981:450-456). Although this 
might be a disadvantage yet we agree with Stycos that "group 
sessions have various effects - they inhibit some respondents, draw 
out other, and encourage exaggeration on the part of still others, 
depending on the topic, the composition of the group, the 
personality of the individual, and the particular chemistry stirred 
up by the group leader." 
We have already mentioned the unsuitability of bringing a 
higher status person to join a low status group. But in any group a 
leader emerges, even if the group members are of similar status. 
The "leader effect" can be a disadvantage in group sessions since 
other members may defer to the leader's opinions. The 
interviewer/moderator can offset this situation by starting 
questions with different members of the group other than the 
"naturally" emerged group leader. If two or three people become 
"joint leaders" of the group, then the whole discussion collapses. 
The remaining members become mere listeners instead of 
participants. What we usually do at the beginning of a discussion 
(and in case the "leadership issue" enters the process) is to tell the 
group that it is required of everyone to express his/her own 
opinions. If a member persists in being loquacious, then the 
interviewer might have to say, "I will come back to you", "let's hear 
what Mr. B. also says." 
Another general disadvantage is the inabililty of the interviewer 
to understand the local language or dialect. Studying the nuances, 
colloquialisms of the place usually facilitates the flow of the 
discussion. In the study summarized below, the moderator at times 
had to speak two or three different ethnic languages since some 
interviewees felt more at home in expressing themselves in their 
own native tongues. 
As we said earlier, every method has its merits and demerits, but it 
is by recognizing the latter that we can work diligently at turning 
them into advantages. 
Let us now examine the focus group methodology and how it fits 
into the African culture. There are certain African culture 
imperatives which facilitate the focus group methodology. 
African culture and the focus group methodology 
In the non-Europeanized/Americanized semi-urban or rural 
parts of Africa, the group norms of behaviour still operate. A keen 
observer only has to examine the constant bi-monthly or monthly 
visits of even urban salaried workers to participate in family 
59
gatherings, clan associations, and the elaborate funeral rites and 
birth ceremonies. Moreover, the group methods of behaviour are 
not confined to the ruralites only. In the urban areas, the ethnic 
associations do exist for, in order to offset the alienated anonymity 
of the African Urban environment, it is necessary for a Fante, 
Yoruba or Kikuyu to know that other Fantes, Yorubas or Kikuyus 
live at the same urban centre, and this has perpetuated the ethnic 
groupings. 
Another situation has emerged in the urban centres whereby 
benevolent or voluntary associations have proliferated in many 
neighbourhoods. These associations sometimes cut across ethnic 
boundaries. According to Little, most voluntary associations are 
formed "to cater for their members" material needs, in the shape 
of money. This applies particularly in commerce because the main 
requirement of most of the petty traders thronging the markets is 
capital (Little, 1974:88). This situation has brought about a lot of 
schemes; for instance esusu in Yoruba and susu in Fanti. Little 
points out that "Esusu is merely a fund to which a number of 
individuals make fixed contributions of money at stated intervals; 
the total amount contributed by the entire group being assigned to 
each of the members in turn" (Little, ibid). This kind of rotating 
credit exists throughout East and West Africa 
Apart from the material/financial rewards that an individual 
obtains by being a member of a group, there is also the psychic 
income which accrues simultaneously to the person. A person is 
highly regarded in society if during times of tribulation group 
members can emerge to sing and mourn with him/her. 
Again, Little intimates that "the natural benefit societies in 
general, usually have social activities in addition to their economic 
interests. Some Ghanaian associations for example, include 
excursions and picnics, concerts, singing, dancing and drumming; 
religious talks and discussions, literacy classes, debates and 
cinema shows; first-aid services; initiation ceremonies for new 
members; and the laying of wreaths on graves of former members 
(Little, pp:89). Without being accused of stating the obvious, all the 
above activities constitute group communication formats which 
African researchers have neither explored nor described in detail. 
There are also numerous neo-Christian prophetic or messianic 
movements in both urban and rural centers (independent of the 
traditionally established Catholic or protestant churches). 
Our main aim in this section of the paper has been to illustrate 
that, willy-nilly, most Africans belong to one or more associations 
or groups. Grouping constitutes the natural cultural context 
within which the African finds him/herself, and we consider it very 
60
natural for communication researchers in Africa to shift some of 
their quantitative individualized methodologies to qualitative 
group ones. All this means that the formation of focus groups for 
the expression of views is better in the African context than 
isolating an individual from the group for questioning. Moreover, 
field observations in the past years have taught us that, in most 
cases, the individualized, quantitative survey interviews do not 
function as would be desired since "frequently it is difficult, if not 
impossible, to draw one member of the family aside and interview 
him/her. We find that a whole troop of youngsters and even other 
adults would like to listen to the kind of questions the interviewer 
is going to ask one member of the family. Persistent persuasion 
that the interview is for only one member of the family sometimes 
falls on deaf ears, and the interviewer is quite helpless to drive away 
the unwelcome crowd" (Obeng-Quaidoo, 1985:109-120). This has 
necessitated the urgent call for group interviews. 
Focus group interview: practical example from the field 
The lengthy discussion on focus group methodology has been 
necessary since we normally do not find any such discussion in the 
research method text books. Moreover, African research studies 
using the focus group interviews are non-existent. We shall now 
conclude the paper with an example of focus group sessions 
conducted in Ghana. 
In April 1986, two researchers (Obeng-Quaidoo and Arthur, 
forthcoming) conducted twelve focus group interviews in four 
major urban centres in Ghana in order to find out the ideas people 
have about family planning, peoples' contraceptive status 
generally, their sources of information about issues and family 
planning. The cities were Accra, Kumasi, Sekondi-Takoradi and 
Tamale. The research team comprised two researchers (male and 
female), a professional recorder, and two professional recruiters 
(male and female). The male researcher conducted the male 
interviews and the female did the same with the female groups. 
In each city, the recruiters selected certain neighbourhoods; the 
male intercepted prospective male candidates; told them of a 
would-be discussion and a reward at the end. If they agreed, he 
conveyed them in the research car or a taxi to the hotel conference 
room where the discussion was to take place. The female 
recruitment was not easy. We normally did not want two friends to 
be in the same group. 
As one time, for example, the female recruiter was looking for only 
61
current contraceptive users above the age 30 with at least one 
child, and combing through neighbourhoods for people with such 
characteristics was frustrating and time-consuming. Sometimes 
the mere idea of a woman coming to a hotel did not sound right to 
some prospective interviewees. (In Kumasi, one woman's husband 
followed her to the hotel to be sure there was going to be a research 
discussion as she claimed.) One alternative to the hotel room would 
be to find a room in a quiet community centre, or if it is in the 
village and it is a week-end, a room in the local primary or 
secondary school would be ideal. A problem would arise, if there is 
no electricity, or the recorder cannot use dry cell batteries). 
In each session, the recorder sat unobtrusively in a corner of the 
hall or the room and since the group normally sat in a circle, the 
recorder (with his tapes and other gadgets) faced the intervierwer, 
in case he wanted to signal the interviewer to change a tape. 
As indicated earlier, we had a question or topic guide, and it 
consisted of general questions and a lot of possible probes. The 
basic idea, as (stressed) many times in this paper, was that the 
interviewer was there only to facilitate and guide the proceedings; 
changing from topic to topic. (A separate article will discuss the 
main findings of this study.) We shall now share our experiences in 
using the focus group interview sessions. 
There appeared to be variability in the way some Ghanaian 
female adults and adolescents perceive the world, family planning, 
and their use and non-use of contraceptives. Females in Takoradi 
area tended to be shy, guarded, and generally had the demeanour of 
"ladies" trying to say the "right" things. In Kumasi, the females 
were highly outspoken and independent, and this might be due to 
the early training in capital formation and marketing of goods. 
Tamale females tended to be less outspoken and depended more on 
the man in making decisions about family planning. The Accra 
females were generally very much aware of family planning and 
they were ready to discuss the pros and cons of the issues. Of the 
four urban areas, Kumasi is the most ethnically cohesive place, and 
people belong to more associations and groupings there than any 
other place in Ghana Perhaps this offers a further explanation of 
the variation in the behaviour of the females from Kumasi. 
Our culture has conditioned the Ghanaian male to be outspoken 
on even issues affecting females, and thus both the 
adolescent and adult males were ready to express opinions on 
family planning and contraceptives. However, the unemployed 
young interviewees seemed to be less outspoken. Perhaps, this 
variation can be explained through large scale quantitative survey. 
All group members in the four areas relied more on inter- 
62
personal communication channels (friends, priests, family 
members, schoolmates, workmates) in making decisions as to 
whether to use or not to use contraceptives. 
Earlier in the paper, there was an argument as to whether group 
members become inhabited or open during focus sessions. Our 
observation from the field was that during the discussion of the 
Ghanaian mass media, interviewees were very vocal in 
enumerating the numerous ailments of the government-controlled 
mass media Respondents blamed the Government for not creating 
the right atmosphere for journalists to feed the public with the 
right information. Generally, interviewees regarded radio, 
television, and the newspapers as the megaphones of the 
Government. 
Such explicit remarks about the stifling of the media systems by 
the Government have never been expressed candidly in any of the 
surveys we have conducted over the years. 
Perhaps, in the survey situation, an interviewee did not feel 
secure and comfortable in telling an interviewer his/her true 
opinions about the behaviour of the Government towards the mass 
media systems. In fact a survey respondent (in the African context) 
can never be sure whether the interviewer is not working for the 
Government. But in a group situation, it might be difficult to 
pinpoint one person and later accuse him/her that he/she said 
the Government was authoritarian and was stifling the freedom of 
expression. There is security and comfort in being part of a group. 
The focus group sessions have taught us that people rely on 
other individuals (through their churches, benevolent 
associations, clubs) and groups to obtain information on 
important issues in Ghana Beer, pito, akpeteshte bars, rumours, 
and friends from military barracks have become important sources 
of news about events in the country. One turns to the mass media if 
one wants the Government version of events. 
Studies generated by the focus group interviews 
Instead of listening to all the hypotheses which we have generated 
from the focus group interviews for subsequent quantitative 
survey analyses, we prefer to share the ideas on further researches 
which the group session have generated, and are currently being 
studied. 
We found out from the study that certain family planning clinics 
are not disseminating the correct information about 
contraceptives. For instance, in Kumasi, we were informed during 
sessions that a family planning clinic nurse had informed some 
63
attendants that constant use of the oral contraceptive would make 
a woman barren. Also, that the condom could get torn and remain 
In the womb of a woman, and could only be removed by surgery. At 
times, the correct size of the IUD was not inserted. All these have 
necessitated a study to find out what the family planning clinic 
nurses themselves know about family planning and 
contraceptives. 
We also learnt from the group interviews that the verbal and nonverbal 
communications that ensued between young 
contraceptive buyers and drugstore, chemical store, and pharmacy 
attendants at times embarrass the buyers and consequently they 
either change shops or stop buying altogether. Sometimes a shop 
attendant would smile sardonically, laugh or wink suggestively 
when a young man mentions that he wants a contraceptive. This 
finding from the group session has also generated a study: ("The 
Mystery Shopper" forthcoming) which uses young men and 
women, and singles and couples to enter shops and try to purchase 
contraceptives; and then observe the behaviour of the attendants. 
The result of this study would help to train the shop attendants on 
how to communicate with customers. 
The results from the focus study have also generated 
quantitative survey research in four villages within a radius of 80 
kilometres from Accra The questionnaires would deal with the 
general KAP survey questions; issues on oral rehydration, measles 
and other preventable childhood diseases; traditional herbal 
treatment of diseases; and the flow of information to parents 
concerning these childhood diseases. 
NOTE: 
The author thanks Nana Gerbrah Aidoo, MA candidate at the 
School of Communication Studies, Legon, for reading through the 
paper and making some suggestions. Our appreciation also goes to 
Lintas Advertising Co., Ghana, for allowing the use of some of the 
focus interview data. 
REFERENCES: 
Dickens, J. "The Fresh Cream Cakes Market: The Use of Qualitative Research as part 
of a Consumer Research Programme" In Applied Marketing and Social Research 
1982. Ute Bradley (ed.) Van Nostrand Relnhold Co. Ltd. New York N.Y. 
64
Halloran, James D. "The Social Implications of Technological Innovations in 
Communication," The Myth of the Information Revolution: Social and Ethical 
Implications of Communication Technology, 1986. Michel Traber (ed.), London: 
SAGE Publications pp. 46-63. 
Little, Kenneth. Urbanization as a Social Process: An Essay on Movement and 
Change In Contemporary Africa. 1974. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 
Merton K. Roberts, Maijorie Fiske, Patricia L. Kendall: The Focusedlntewlew 1956. 
Illinois: The Free Press, Glencoe. 
Obeng-Quaidoo, I. "Culture and Communication Research Methodologies in Africa: 
A Proposal for change" in GAZETTE (1985) 36:109-120. 
Obeng-Quaidoo and Alexina Arthur, "Focus Group Research and Contraceptive 
Status of Ghanaians" forthcoming. 
Obeng-Quaidoo and Monica Bleboo, "The Mystery Shopper: Contraceptive 
Customers and their Interaction with Drugstore Attendants" forthcoming. 
Rogers M. Everett H. Niehoff, Lalit K. Sen, Anne van den Ban and Geral Hursh- 
Cesar, "Research for Development In Third World Surveys: Survey Research In 
Developing Nations 1976, Gerald Hursh-Cesar and Prodipto Roy (eds.) Delhi, The 
MacMillan Co. of India Ltd. pp. 1-41. 
Stycos J. Mayone, "A Critique of Focus Group and Survey Research: The Machismo 
Case" In Studies in Family Planning, Vol. 12, No. 12 (1981) pp. 450-456. 
65