Africa Media Review Vol. 1. No. 1. 1966 
African Council on Communication Education. 
The Mass Media Systems of Kenya and 
Tanzania: A Comparative Analysis 
>y Dele Ogunade 
bslract 
The article is a comparative study of the mass media systems of Kenya 
id Tanzania. 
The author examines the historical, geographical, political, economic, 
>cial and cultural factors which shape the mass media systems in the two 
ountries. 
The article concludes that the factors of literacy and politico-economic 
^stem are destined to have significant impact on the future growth and 
lape of the mass media in Kenya and Tanzania. 
e same 
Cet article est une etude comparative des systemes de media au Kenya et en 
anzanie. 
L'auteur examine les facteurs historiques geographiques, politiques, 
conomiques et culturels aux contours desquels sont organises les systemes des 
eux pays. 
L'article a conclut que l'alphabetisation et le systeme politique et 
conomique auront un impact significatif sur la croissance et la forme des 
lass media au Kenya et en Tanzanie. 
Dele Oeunade is a lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, University of 
Lagos, Nigeria. 
99
Introduction: 
A comparative study of the mass media systems of two countries musi 
take account of the historical, geographical, political, economic, social anc 
cultural factors which shape the mass media systems in the two countries. | 
This is because, as several scholars have noted, the nature of a country's 
history, population, geography, and politico-economic system goes a long 
way toward explaining the characteristics of its mass media.1 Against such al 
background, this study offers a comparative analysis of the mass medial 
systems of Kenya and Tanzania - two adjacent African nations sharing al 
related history dating back to the pre-colonial era, a common culture andl 
ethnic makeup, and a common set of geographical and natural conditions) 
that bear on the day-to-day lives of their people. 
Since attaining nationhood in the early 1960s, Kenya and Tanzania havel 
received the attention of students of African politics and development! 
because of the divergent conceptions of development each has chosen to I 
pursue. Analyses of the societal institutions of these divergent conceptions! 
of development have invariably involved an analysis of the mass media f 
systems of both nations. Consequently, there is a body of literature on the | 
mass media of both nations. 
Literature Review 
Kenya and Tanzania mass media systems have been the objects of several I 
studies. Hachten looked at the Kenyan press under a one-party form of I 
government and expressed reservation about the degree of freedom the ' 
press enjoys.2 James F. Scotton, who has studied the Kenyan mass media 
extensively, detailed the unusual success of African-language papers in a 
continent still dominated by a press in English, French, and other European 
languages.3 He observes pointedly that in a developing multi-lingual nation 
such as Kenya, successful and popular publication in a lingua franca such 
as Swahili are extremely important for national integration; 
Scotton further analyzed the patterns of readership and ownership of 
Kenya's four major newspapers controlled by two non-African owners.4 He 
found that both in content and readership, these newspapers are usually 
divided not along ownership lines but along language lines, two being 
published in English and two in Swahili. These language lines are also major 
boundaries of Kenya's racial and socio-economic groups. 
Peter Mwaura's Communication Policies in Kenya is perhaps the 
most comprehensive survey of Kenya mass media to date. Both in breath 
and depth, Mwaura's study examines the Kenya mass media in relation to 
100
the historical, political, social and economic development of the Kenyan 
nation. Mwaura recognizes the largely underdeveloped state of the Kenya 
mass media but contends that the mass media, as a"vital and integral part of 
Kenya's development strategy," are likely to grow if "they address more 
directly the interests and concerns of thewananchi and,at the same time the 
literacy base is widened."5 
In a study of mass media development in Tanzania, Graham L. Mytton 
outlines the problems of the mass media vis-a-vis the country's geography, 
population distribution, economics, literacy, and political history.6 He 
found that the mass media, although a very recent phenomena, have already 
played an important role in the development of national consciousness. 
Mytton concludes that people in the remotest village are today brought into 
daily contact with the political events that earlier would have taken weeks to 
reach them, if indeed they ever reached them at all. 
John C. Condon, in a study of nation building and image building in the 
Tanzanian press, found that the press mirrors the political consciousness of 
a newly independent state and reflects some of the ambiguities that 
accompany political articulation in a one-party democracy.7 Analyzing four 
daily newspapers, Condon devotes special attention to the "new geography" 
which is presented on an attempt to anticipate the world image or 
"psychological geography" which results from reading the daily newspaper. 
Condon concludes that the selection of what news to print reflects the 
tensions and conflicts between an ideal news policy and the limitations 
imposed by the lack of funds, personnel, and the influence of the western 
news services. 
Condon and Neher, in a comparative study of the mass media and nation 
building in Kenya and Tanzania, pointed out that such forms of traditional 
cultural expression as drama, literature, and dance are possible media for 
creating an ambience for the emergence of a national culture.8 Contending 
that mobilization of a national consciousness, to supersede regional and 
ethnic consciousness, is partially a function of communication, Condon 
and Neher concluded that those which are characterized by immediacy - 
radio, television, film - can be most effective in the political mobilization 
process. 
In an analysis of the role^of the Tanzania press in the formation of 
foreign policy, Okwudiba Nnoli found the press generally supportive of 
government policies.9 According to Nnoli , the foreign news content of 
Tanzania newspapers appeared to be sketchy, crisis oriented, and lacking 
in any serious analyses. 
In his analysis of the role of the mass media in developing countries, N. 
Ngwanakilala, in Mass Communication and Development of Socialism 
101
According to Joel D. Barkan, a scholar of Kenyan and Tanzanian 
politics, some of the significant benefits attributable to Kenya's History as a 
colony with a large European settlement were: 
(1) extensive development of cash crop, 
(2) larger and more developed urban areas, and 
(3) greater expenditures by the colonial government on schools, 
roads, and other public services.14 
Another benefit was the establishment of modern mass media in Kenya 
long before Tanzania.15 Unlike Kenya, Tanzania's very small European 
settler community, high illiteracy of the African population, and the late 
development of African nationalism all combined to slow the introduction 
and development of the mass media. However, this lateness worked to 
Tanzania's advantage in that from their inception the media catered for the 
African population.16 
Geography 
To understand aspects of a country's media, Merrill and Lowenstein 
posit that the size of a country, the physical barriers to overland 
communication, and the location of major cities are important elements.17 
A look at the maps of Kenya and Tanzania shows the differences in size, 
location of major cities, and physical barriers to overland communications. 
With an area of 364,900 square miles, Tanzania includes the highest and 
lowest parts of Africa which are great barriers to communication. 
Tanzania's size, relatively low population density (40 per square mile), few 
urban centers, and scattered rural population have all influenced aspects of 
its mass media. For example, daily newspapers are urban oriented and large 
capital expenditures are required to bring radio signals to the scattered rural 
population. 
In contrast, Kenya because of its small size does not suffer from 
Tanzania's geographical disabilities. With an area of 219,788 square miles, 
Kenya is mainly extensive plains dotted here and there by hills and Mount 
Kenya. Unlike Tanzania, Kenya's population density is high, reaching 
more than 1,000 persons per square mile in the South-Western quardrant of 
the country. Approximately 75 per cent of the population is contained in 
only 10 per cent of Kenya. This concentration of the population has made 
the task of communicating with the people easier and cheaper. Despite the 
concentration of the population, newspapers in Kenya and Tanzania are 
urban oriented. 
103
Population: 
The population maps of Kenya and Tanzania illustrate the differences 
peculiar to each country in terms of size, urbanization, languages spoken, 
education and affluence. Kenya has the advantages of its population being 
largely concentrated in an area easy to reach and its capital Nairobi, being 
situated near the center of this populated area. Tanzania is not that 
fortunate. Mytton captures succinctly Tanzania's communication 
problems with wildly scattered, un-urbanized population.18 
A compensating factor that Tanzania enjoys over Kenya is the 
widespread use and understanding of the national language, Swahili. This 
factor has laid the basis for cultural and political integration of Tanzania's 
scattered population. Swahili is widely spoken and understood in Kenya 
but no means universally. 
The high illiteracy, little urbanization, and low per capital income of the 
masses of Kenya and Tanzania have combined to stunt the growth of the 
press and make radio the pervasive medium it is today.19 For instance, by 
1984 the highest circulation attained by a daily in either country was 
100,572 by Kenya's Daily Nation. 
Politico-Economic System 
Besides having the same pre-independence British colonial master, 
Kenya and Tanzania are both one-party states. The ruling parties in both 
countries at independence gradually became the only parties: the Kenya 
African National Union (KANU) in Kenya and the Tanganyika African 
National Union renamed the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The Revolutionary 
Party (CCM) in Tanzania. There the similarity ends. 
In the years immediately following independence, Kenya and Tanzania 
have pursued divergent politico-economic policies with both being 
perceived as prototypes, of capitalist and socialist developments 
respectively. To be specific, Tanzania has committed itself to building a 
socialist society through the 1967 Arusha Declaration which stressed 
national self-reliance. In contrast,Kenya has sought to develop its political 
economy on the basis of patron-client capitalism with private enterprise and 
foreign finance playing an important role.20 
As it is to be expected, the mass media systems of both nations reflect 
their politico-economic realities. For one thing, Tanzania's mass media, 
mostly state owned, are more politicized than Kenya because of the 
important role they have been assigned in the political education of the 
masses. In particular, they supplement the activities of CCM in the 
104
encouragement of hard work and self-reliance, and in teaching people about 
their role in the developing country.21 In contrast, the privately owned 
Kenya press does not take such explicit ideological stands. 
The Press 
Although it is the first of the modern mass media to be established in 
Kenya and Tanzania, the press today remains a medium with a limited 
audience largely because of high illiteracy and distribution problems.22 
Burdened by the disabilities arising from developing economics, the Kenya 
and Tanzania press continue to play a useful albeit limited role in the affairs 
of their countries. 
Table 1 compares the vital statistics of the Kenyan and Tanzanian daily 
press. The daily papers in both nations are complemented by a battery of 
weeklies, fortnightlies and monthlies published in Swahili and English. The 
principal ones in Kenya are Sunday Nation (100,902), Taifa Weekly 
(63,012), Chemsha Bongo (10,000); and Weekly Review (25,000). 
Both nations have expanding rural newspapers to satisfy the 
information needs of the rural population. Tanzania is reportedly "experimenting 
with the largest and most ambitious rural newspaper project in East 
Africa" and its Swahili monthly Elimu Haina Mwisho (Education has no 
end), with a circulation of 100,000, is the "largest circulating rural 
newspaper."23 
A content analysis of the daily press showed that "the 'news geography' 
for the Kenyan press is comparable to that presented in the Tanzanian 
press. The Swahili press tends to focus on national Or local items with heavy 
emphasis on speeches by government officials and other political figures. 
The emphasis in the newspapers of both languages in both countries is on 
news from or about their own country."24 
A feature of the daily newspapers published in Tanzania is that they are 
highly politicized. According te the editor of one of the papers, "We 
preach and exhort about 90 per cent of the time "25 This prompted this 
elaboration from Condon, a scholar of the Tanzanian press: "If President 
Nyerere is officially the Teacher (Mwalimu) of the nation, the party press is 
the Preacher."26 
Because of their politicization and the socialist ideology of the nation, 
the Tanzanian papers do not have "a 'society page' or column on the social 
life of 'national personalities.'"27 In addition, the Tanzanian press does not 
carry "any photographs or stories about weddings, engagements, baptisms, 
'sundowners' or dinner parties."28 Finally, the poetry, written by readers 
and published daily, is a unique feature of the Swahili language-press. 
105
Condon estimates that occasionally as much as 25 per cent of the Swahili 
papers are devoted to poetry, usually in praise of the nation, the leaders, 
Africa, or attacking colonialism.29 
In contrast, the Kenya press though not party politicized is ideologically 
partisan. According to Mwaura, the Kenya press "lacks a well-defined 
concept of what is African about it. It is elitist and urban-oriented. It is 
Western in orientation "30 
Radio and Television 
Although Kenya and Tanzania show contrasting patterns of public and 
private ownership and operation of news papers, neither deviates from the 
standard African practice of state ownership and control of radio 
broadcasting. This practice is due partly to the pattern of radio control in 
colonial times. Additionally, Ainslie notes that there is a belief throughout 
Africa that radio is a powerful instrument of political control and that 
possession of the broadcasting facilities confers legitimacy on the regime in 
power.31 
In Kenya, radio broadcasting and television are operated under the 
control of the Kenya government through the Ministry of Information and 
Broadcasting, and is known as the Voice of Kenya (VoK). Programmes for 
the whole country originate from Nairobi and are relayed by other stations 
located in Mombasa, Timboros, Nandi Hills, and Kisumu. The main 
languages used in radio broadcast are Swahili and English, but 
programmes are also broadcast in 16 local languages. 
Television was launched in Kenya in October 1962. Through 
expansion, most of the country now is blanketed. The main languages of TV 
programs are English and Swahili and the TV stations are on the air for 
about 38 hours per week. Local programmes occupy about 60 per cent of 
total transmissions. Both radio and TV broadcasts are steadily increasing 
amount of advertising though there is a policy banning the broadcast of 
programmes with explicit violence, shooting or murder, sex, or other 
activities considered inimical to the social health of the nation.32 
The government waived the payment of the annual radio and television 
license fees since the beginning of the 1970/1971 financial year. This 
probably resulted in increased ownership of radio and TV sets. A 1972 
survey showed that there were about 35,000 TV sets and 1,050,000 radio 
sets in use in Kenya.33 By 1981, there were an estimated 1.6 million radio 
receivers and 100,000 TV sets in use. 
Radio Tanzania is a department of the Ministry of Information and 
Tourism, which took over broadcasting from the Tanganyika Broadcasting 
106
Corporation. Radio Tanzania broadcasts three main services: the national, 
commercial, and external services. At present, Radio Tanzania does not 
broadcast in any regional or ethnic languages. The national and commercial 
services are entirely in Swahili. Though music and light entertainment 
continue to be the main fares of the national services, the requirement that 
at least 70 per cent of the music has to be of East African origin gives the 
national service a distinct Tanzanian flavor.34 
Radio Tanzania's external service is more politicized and reflects 
Tanzania's commitment to the liberation struggles in Southern Africa. 
Most major liberation movements of Southern Africa are provided free 
broadcast time. This is in marked constrast to what obtains in Kenya. 
Condon's survey of Tanzania's communication systems indicates that 
radio is probably the country's most important means of disseminating 
news. In answer to the question on their favourite kind of radio 
programme, 55 per cent said news.35 No accurate and up-to-date data are 
available on the number of radio and TV sets in use in Tanzania. In 1969, 
radio licenses were abolished to encourage set ownership. By 1981, an 
estimated 500,000radio receivers and 7,200 TVsets inZanzibar were inuse in 
Tanzania. The Tanzanian government has held back on the introduction of 
television partly out of a desire to wait until it has the capacity for local 
production.36 
News Agencies 
Both nations' press, radio and television are serviced by fledgling 
national news agencies. The Kenya News Agency (KNA), established in 
1963, is responsible for gathering local news and has offices all over the 
country. KNA transmits more local news than the local media can use on 
any given day and has purchased interception rights from the major news 
agencies. Tanzania's national news agency, Shihata, operates on similar 
lines as KNA though it does not operate a picture service for local 
newspapers as KNA does. Several major international news agencies have 
offices in both nations' capitals but more of these offices are located in 
Nairobi. * 
Traditional Mass Media 
Leonard Doob, in his discussion of "basic" media, refers to clothes or 
fashions of dress as also a traditional means of communication in Africa.37 
While modern mass media are pervasive, the last few years have seen 
increasing stress on the use of traditional media for communicating political 
107
Newspapers 
Ownership 
Language 
Daily 
Circulation 
Founded 
City of 
Publication 
Comparison of Daily Newspapers in Kenya and Tanzania 
Daily 
Nation 
Private 
English 
100,572 
1960 
Nairobi 
Taifa 
Leo 
The 
Standard 
Kenya 
Leo 
Private Private KANU 
Swahili English Swahili 
* * 
49,000 32,000 
1960 1983 1902 
Nairobi Nairobi Nairobi 
* * Figures not available. 
Kipanga Kenya 
Times 
Daily 
News 
Govt. Govt. KANU 
Swahili English English 
* * * * 
39,000 
1964 1972 1983 
Zanzibar Nairobi Dar es 
Salaam 
Table 1 
Uhuru 
CCM 
Swahili 
100,000 
1962 
Dar es 
Salaam
or developmental goals. Thus public speeches, rallies, demonstration, 
dances, oral literature and group singing are regularly employed in Kenya 
and Tanzania to communicate contemporary messages and further national 
integration. For instance, "the singing of songs like 'Mungu Ibariki Afrika' 
(God Bless Africa) or rKanu Yajenga Nchi' (KANU builds the Nation) has 
beocme a means of communicating political solidarity and legitimacy by 
political parties in Kenya and Tanzania."38 
According to Neher and Condon, "Songs in political campaigns are 
particularly important in countries like Kenya and Tanzania because 
political advertising over the national mass media is either prohibited or 
prohibitively expensive."39 And Mwaura asserts that since it is Kenyan 
official policy to receive and promote African culture, "It has become 
common place for communities and groups to communicate with 
government leaders and politicians through traditional dancing, songs and 
folklors - and messages are unmistakable and compelling."40 
Summary and Conclusion 
An attempt was made to assess comparatively the mass media of Kenya 
and Tanzania within the context or those factors which impinged on their 
growth and present status. Differences and similarities were noted. The 
dynamic changes daily taking place in developing nations like Kenya and 
Tanzania mean nothing including#the mass media as discussed in this study 
is fixed and inalterable. It seems the factors of literacy and politicoeconomic 
systems are destined to have signifcant impact on the future 
growth and shapes of the mass media in Kenya and Tanzania. 
REFERENCES 
1. See John Merrill and Ralph Lowenstein, Media, Messages and Men; Siebert et al, 
Four Theories of the Press and John Condon, "Some Guidelines for Mass Communication 
Research in East Africa," Gazette 14:141-151 (1968). 
2. William A. Hachten, Muffled Drums, (Ames, Iowa: The Iowa State University Press, 
1974). 
3. James F. Scotton"Kenya's Much Maligned Nationalist Press," Journalism Quarterly 
52:30-36 (Spring 1975). 
4 "The Press in Kenya a Decade after Independence: Patterns of 
Readership and Ownership," Gazette 21:19-33 (1975). 
109
5. Peter Mwaura, Communication Policies in Kenya, (Paris: UNESCO, 1980), p. 94. 
6. Graham L. Mytton, "Tanzania: The Problems of Mass Media Development," Gazette 
14:89-100 (1968). 
7. John C. Condon, "Nation Building and Image Building in the Tanzania Press," The 
Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1967, pp. 335-54. 
8. William W. Neher and John C. Condon, "The Mass Media and Nation-Building in 
Kenya and Tanzania," in The Search for National Integration in Africa, David 
R. Smock and Kwamena Bentsi-Enchill, eds., (New York:The Free Press, 1976), 
pp. 220-239. 
9. Okwudiba Nnnoli, Self-Reliance and Foreign Policy in Tanzania, (New York: 
NOK Publishers International Ltd., 1972), pp. 37-39. 
10. N. Ngwanakilala, Mass Communication and Development of Socialism in 
Tanzania, (Dar-es-Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1981), p. 50. 
11. See J.F. Maitland-Jones, Politics in Africa: The Former British Territories, (New 
York: W.W. Norton and Company Inc., 1973); Kimambo and Temu, A History of 
Tanzania; Gertzel et al., Government, Politics in Kenya. 
12. Mutton "Tanzania: The Problems of Mass Media Development," pp. 89-91. 
13. Ibid. 
14. Barkan and Okumu, Politics, p. 36 
15. Mytton, "Tanzania: The Problems," p. 90. 
16. Head, Broadcasting in Africa, p. 62 
17. Merrill and Lowenstein, Media Messages and Men, p. 55. 
18. Mytton, "Tanzania: The Problems," p. 91. 
19. Condon, "Some Guidelines," p. 147. 
20. Barkan and Okumu, Politics. 
21. Neher and Condon, "The Mass Media and Nation," p. 229-230. 
22. Ibid., p. 232. 
23. UNESCO, Rural Journalism in Africa, (Paris: Unesco, 1981). 
24. Condon, "Nation Building and Image Building," p.152. 
25. Ibid., p. 351. 
26. Ibid., p. 352. 
27. Ibid., p. 350. 
28. Ibid. 
29. Ibid. 
30. Mwaura, Communication Policies in Kenya, p. 62. 
110
31. Ainslie, The Press in Africa, p. 152. 
32. Head, Broadcasting in Africa, p. 58. 
33. Kenya: A Land of Contrasts, (Nairobi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 
1974), p. 42. 
34. Mytton, "Tanzania: The Problems," p. 97. 
35. Neher and Condon, "The Mass Media and Nation," p. 235. 
36. Ibid., p. 236 
37. Leonard Doob, Communication in Africa, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 
1966). 
38. Neher and Condon, "The Mass Media and Nation," p. 225. 
39. Ibid. 
40. Mwaura, Communication Policies in Kenya, p. 35. 
I l l